or clerk gives a sudden bias, and turns reason and its train aside; and the philosopher, who would have disdained to make an unlogical computation, finds all his penetration disappointed.

Well! though I cannot lead you a step forward, I will open a little of the back scene, which, at least, will prevent you from making wrong reflections. You must not then imagine that the mere articles of the Preliminaries have caused the approaching revolution; you must not suppose that any sacrifices of glory, interest, or dominion, nor even the dereliction of the Loyalists, though sounded the most loudly, occasioned the fermentation that has made the House of Commons boil over and cast off the Administration. More human causes than national honour and national interest, than commiseration and justice, made the fire beneath burn too intensely. In one word, my good friends, Lord North and Mr. Fox united their forces and defeated Lord Shelburne in a pitched battle. The town says, that he deferred treating with either till it was too late; and that he did treat with them when it was too late; even last week, when he was rejected by both. Whether they can agree better if they are to divide the spoils is now to be seen. But I shall not step over the threshold of next minute; sufficient to the day is the event thereof: I shall say no more, but what I replied (and often do reply, like an old man fond of his own sayings) to a person yesterday morning, who asked me "how all this would end?" I answered, "How will it begin?" That is the proper answer always on political emergencies.. Politics never end: after struggles they come to a settlement-but consequences are chained to that settlement; yet I meant more. The first time I used the expression, how will it begin? was in the American war; it was that war that overturned a firm settlement; and when I was asked how it would end, I foresaw how often that question would be repeated before any man would be able to answer it-the question of to-day is but one instance.

Tuesday, in the evening.

I own I was grown uneasy at not hearing from you, and sent to your nephew's on Saturday, and again to-day, having heard he was expected. He came to me two hours ago, and brought me a letter from you, which explains your silence in a very kind manner, as you forbore writing in pity to my weak hand; but you see, that, lame as all the fingers are but the thumb, I can write glibly. Indeed, excepting in my right hand, I am much the better for my late fit: it has cleared my blood and revived my spirits.

When your nephew and I had gossipped over the great event of the morning, I did not forget your disquiet about General Murray, though every body else has; as well as the controversy on foot in print between Lord Cornwallis and Sir Henry Clinton.* The peace is the topic on the carpet, and has obliterated the war. Sir Horace

* This controversy was on the subject of the last campaign in America.

junior will go to the General to-morrow, and, by his own prudent thought, will not tap the matter of your letters, not to put into his wild head what never came into it, or may be slipped out of it; but, should Murray mention the subject, your nephew will satisfy him of your innocence.

I can say no more now; nor have time to speak on the war you foresee between emperors and empresses. Though I have nothing to do with politics, I live so much at home, and my house is in so central a position, that it is a little coffee-house in a morning when the town is full, and I am perpetually interrupted. Adieu! you shall hear again as soon as the prospect clears. I do not send you random guesses and reports.

LETTER CCCXCVI.

THE victory of the Opposition on Tuesday last was followed by Monday evening, Feb. 24, 1783. another on Friday.* Lord Shelburne took Saturday to consider on

The victory obtained over the Ministers by the new Coalition, on the 17th, appeared so very encouraging, that they determined to come forward with a positive censure of the terms of the treaties; and accordingly, on the 21st, Lord John Cavendish moved a series of five resolutions, condemnatory of the concessions made by ́ the provisional treaty and preliminary articles, as being greater than our adversaries were entitled to, either from the actual situation of their respective possessions, or from their comparative strength. The resolutious gave rise to a long and animated debate; in the course of which Mr. Powis took occasion to notice the very extraordinary and unnatural coalition and alliance which had been formed against Ministers. Mr. Fox made a long and elaborate speech. He lamented that his coalition with Lord North had lost him the support, and brought down upon him the censure, of some persons for whom he had great respect; and asserted, that this junction of parties was rendered necessary by the political circumstances of the country. He avowed his wish to be in office, trusting that, the short time he was in administration, he had not shown any incompetency, which should prevent his offering himself a candidate for a share in that new arrangement which was become indispensable in consequence of the neglectful-not to give it a worse epithetconduct of the First Lord of the Treasury. He imputed the blame of the peace to Lord Shelburne, and represented him as acting upon unconstitutional principles, and as having made disgraceful concessions in the treaties for the purpose of keeping himself in power. Mr. Pitt replied to Mr. Fox in a speech which lasted three hours, till four in the morning, and which his friend Mr. Wilberforce has noted as an instance of those amazing powers of mind which bodily infirmity seemed never to obscure; his stomach on that evening being so disordered, "that he was actu ally holding Solomon's porch (a portico behind the Speaker's chair) open with one hand, while vomiting during Fox's speech." In adverting to the supposed Coalition, he said, "If, however, the baneful alliance is not already formed, if this illomened marriage is not already solemnized, I know a just and lawful impediment, and, in the name of the public safety, I here forbid the bands." After vindicating Lord Shelburne, and bearing testimony to his abilities and zeal in the service of his country, he thus emphatically concluded: "I was not very eager to come into office, and shall have no great reluctance to go out, whenever I shall be dismissed from the service of the public. It has been the grand object of my short official

1

it; yesterday morning acquainted the Cabinet with his intention of retiring; notified that resolution to the rest of his adherents in the evening, and resigned his post this morning. In fact, it would have been difficult to maintain it against a House of Commons in which, he had lost the majority, and in which the supplies are not yet voted. Parliaments are not to be governed when they will not give money to govern them by. This Parliament, too, has gotten an ugly trick of turning out even those who did pay them handsomely; and yet some people in the country are so visionary as to imagine they could improve the constitution or construction of the House of Commons. I don't know what such folks would have, if they are not content with the demolition of two Administrations in one year!

As Lord Shelburne has been routed by the united forces of Lord North and Mr. Fox, it is supposed that these two chieftains will form a new Administration of their friends, though neither will be the no

existence to do the duties of my station with all the ability and address in my power, and with a fidelity and honour which should bear me up, and give me confidence, under every possible contingency. I can say with sincerity, that I never had a wish which did not terminate in the dearest interests of the nation. I will, at the same time, imitate the honourable gentleman's candour, and confess, that I too have my ambition. High situations and great influence are desirable objects to most men, and objects which I am not ashamed to pursue, but even solicitous to possess, whenever they can be acquired with honour and retained with dignity. I have ever been anxious to do my utmost for the interest of my country; it has been my sole concern to act an honest and upright part. On these principles alone I came into Parliament and into place; and I take the whole House to witness, that I have not been under the necessity of contradicting one public declaration I have ever made. I am, notwithstanding, at the disposal of the House; and with their decision, whatever it may be, I will cheerfully comply. It is impossible to deprive me of those feelings which must always result from the sincerity of my best endeavours to fulfil with integrity every official engagement. You may take from me the privileges and emoluments of place, but you cannot and shall not take from me those habitual and warm regards for the prosperity of Great Britain which constitute the honour, the happiness, and the pride of my life; and which, I trust, death alone can extinguish. And with this consolation, the loss of power and the loss of fortune, though I affect not to despise, I hope I shall soon be able to forget,.

This speech drew forth the warmest applause from every part of the House. "When Mr. Pitt delivered it, I was," says his college preceptor and biographer, "in the gallery of the House, sitting next to a young man who was then a great admirer of Mr. Pitt, but was afterwards one of his most determined and powerful opponents as a member of the House. He did not know me, but we had entered into conversation during the debate; and, when Mr. Pitt quoted this passage from Horace, he turned to me and said with great eagerness, Why did he omit Et mea virtute me involvo? An omission generally considered as marking equally the modesty and good taste of Mr. Pitt." On the division the numbers were, for Lord John Cavendish's resolutions 207, against them 190: thereby leaving the Ministers in a minority of seventeen.-ED.

*Lord North.

6

minal Premier; the first declaring against being the Minister again, and the Duke of Portland being the ostensible successor of Lord Rockingham. From this junction the new Administration is expected; but how it is to be transacted, or how arranged, I am totally ignorant.

The triumphant party declare for adherence to the Peace, though they condemn it. Indeed, I hope it will be inviolate. It is not within the compass of my knowledge to pronounce whether we could have had better terms or not.* They are better than for some years, I have thought we could obtain: and though I was far from admiring Lord Shelburne's conduct last spring,t and have been as far from applauding his behaviour since, which has been improper in every light, still I am glad that he did make peace; and I am not less persuaded, that, had the war continued, we should not only have suffered still more, but made a peace much worse at the end. Lord Shelburne's motives may not have been laudable; his management of the treaty injudicious and rash; still I prefer the peace, such as it is, to continuation of the war. I believe I differ from some of my best friends;

* Dr. Franklin, in a letter of the 17th of March to his friend Dr. Jonathan Shipley, Dean of St. Asaph, thus maintains that better terms could not have been obtained: "The clamour against the Peace in your Parliament would alarm me for its duration, if I were not of opinion with you, that the attack is rather against the Minister. I am confident that none of the Opposition would have made a better peace for England, if they had been in Lord Shelburne's place; at least, I am sure that Lord Stormont, who seems loudest in railing at it, is not the man that could have mended it. They talk much of there being no reciprocity in our treaty. They think nothing then of our passing over in silence the atrocities committed by their troops, and demanding no satisfaction for their wanton burnings and devastations of our fair towns and countries. They have heretofore confessed the war to be unjust; and nothing is plainer in reasoning, than that the mischiefs done in an unjust war should be repaired. Can Englishmen be so partial to themselves as to imagine that they have a right to plunder and destroy as much as they please, and then without satisfying for the injuries they have done, to have peace on equal terms? Let us now forgive and forget. Let each country seek its advancement in its own internal advantages of arts and agriculture, not in retarding or preventing the prosperity of the other. America, with God's blessing, becomes a great and happy country; and England, if she has at length gained wisdom, will have gained something more valuable and more essential to her prosperity than all she has lost, and will still be a great and respectable nation." Works, vol. ix. p. 498.-Ed.

When he negotiated with the King without concert with Lord Rockingham. [This was in March 1782, immediately after Lord North had signified to the House of Commons, that he was no longer Minister. Upon which event, the King is stated by Nicholls "to have sent for Lord Shelburne, arranged the Administration with him, sent the Earl to the Marquis of Rockingham, to inform him of the names of the noblemen and gentlemen who were to form the Cabinet, and of the different offices they were to fill." Mr. Wilberforce, in his Journals, thus alludes to this interview; In 1782, I first knew Fox well: he giving us dinners twice or thrice; very pleasant and unaffected. I was invited to attend at Tommy Towns hend's during the formation of the Ministry, and can remember when the jealousy between the Rockingham and Shelburne parties was first betrayed by Fox's awkward manner, when he let out that the King had been seen by no one but Lord Shelburne."-ED.]

but I must be governed by my own feelings, and must speak the truth.

Your nephew tells me he intends to make you a visit next month: he makes no more of a journey to Florence than of going to York races; and, therefore, I am glad you will not only have the comfort of seeing him, but of hearing a thousand things expounded that cannot be detailed in a letter. The new system will probably be adjusted by that time. I shall desire him to carry you the detail of General Murray's trial which I myself shall never read. It was an incident that made no impression here. This great city is wonderfully curious, though exceedingly indifferent. The latter complexion occasions the former. Every body wants to hear something new every day, no matter whether good or bad. They forget it next day, and inquire again for news. At this moment every man's mouth and ear is open to learn the new Administration-none can tell yet; still dispositions of places are invented and circulated: yet, excepting interested politicians, nobody really cares who is to go in or out; and when the change is completed, it will be forgotten in a week. This was exactly the case in March and June last. Our levity is unlike that of the French: they turn every thing into a jest, an epigram, or a ballad; we are not pleasant, but violent, and yet remember nothing for a moment. This was not our character formerly. Perhaps the prostitution of patriotism, and the daily and indiscriminate publications of abuse on all the world, have, the former made virtue suspected, and the latter made discredit so general, that virtue is either not believed, or has no authority. Can the people be much attached to any man, if they think well of none? Can they hate any man superlatively, if they think ill of all? In my own opinion, we have no positive character at present at all. We are not so bad as most great nations have been when sinking. We have no excessive vices, no raging animosities. A most absurd and most disgraceful civil war produced no commotions. A peace far from glorious to be sure, and condemned, pleases many, seriously provokes very few. It will sink into silent contempt, as soon as the new Ministers are appointed. The peace of Paris, more ignominious as the termination of a most triumphant war, was scarce mentioned after the preliminaries had been approved in Parliament. If you find these features resembling those of former England, then I am wrong to think our national character altered.

There has been a deep snow, which has prevented my going out, or having seen anybody to-day; so, if there is anything new, I hope your nephew will write it. Adieu!

* Sir Horace Mann the younger not only voted with the majority on the last de bate, but made a strong attack upon the peace, which he said he execrated, " as it was in his opinion a heap of every thing that was disgraceful and degrading to his country." Parl. His. vol. xxiii. p. 513.-ED..