appearance in this hour of peril, and the governor, M. de Vaudreuil, was simply instructed to make the best provision in his power for the defense of Canada.

The governor addressed a notice to the militia to be ready at a moment's warning, and endeavored to excite their somewhat dormant patriotism by a spirited appeal. "This campaign," said he, "will give the Canadians an opportunity of displaying once again their loyalty and valor: their king doubts not that they will faithfully defend his and their rights, their religion, homes, and properties against the cruel English. These invaders hate our name and nation; they accuse us of the evil deeds of a few savage Indians, and burn for revenge. We will protect our people by every possible means from falling into the hands of our ruthless enemies, and from such mercies as the people of Acadia, Cape Breton, and St. John's received from them. Better would it be for us, our wives, and our children, to be buried in the ruins of the colony, than to fall alive into the hands of the English. We have, however, no fears for our safety, and accordingly we direct that every suitable step be taken for a successful defense."

A council of war was held at Montreal, which, after frequent meetings, decided that a body of troops under Montcalm, with the brigadier-generals, the Marquis de Levi and M. de Senezergues, should be posted at Quebec; that M. de Bourlemaque should hasten to Ticonderoga, blow up the works at the approach of the English, retire by the lake to Isle aux Noix, and there make a stubborn resistance. The Chevalier de la Corne, with 800 regulars and militia, was directed to hold the rapids above Montreal, to intrench himself in a strong position, and hold out to the best of his power. These resolutions taken, Motcalm hastened to Quebec, and pushed on the works of the city and its outposts. To embarrass the hostile fleet, he removed the buoys and other marks for navigation in the Great River; above all, he strove to raise the drooping spirit of the Canadian people.

CHAPTER VIII.

We must now return to the proceedings in the British camp. In the stern climate of Northern America the season for military action was very limited. From the breaking

up of the ice on the lakes and rivers, and the melting of the forest snows, till they again hindered or forbid the movement of troops, but little interval was left for the march of an invading army. To pursue with effect the great plan of the campaign, it was necessary to take the field with the earliest signs of returning spring. General Amherst, therefore, left New York on the 28th of April, 1759, and arrived at Albany on the 3d of May: there he busied himself in assembling and organizing his army for the field, preparing boats for transporting the troops, artillery, and stores, and instructing the raw Provincial levies in the rudiments of military discipline. Before this time, he had dispatched the active partisan officer, Major Rogers, with 350 men, from Fort Edward, to feel the strength of the enemy at Ticonderoga and Crown Point: they succeeded in surprising a French working party close to the disastrous scene of the previous year's defeat, killed some men, and took several prisoners, with but little loss to themselves. The intense severity of the weather, however, made the victors pay dearly for their success two thirds of the detachment were frost-bitten in the feet, some of them to such an extent that their more fortunate companions were obliged to carry them back to the British camp.

The whole month of May was occupied in preparation for the advance. The Provincial regiments, as fast as they arrived at head-quarters, were encamped, and instructed with all diligence. The regular troops were pushed on by the road to Fort Edward, and posted at a place fifty-six miles from Albany, while a detachment under Major West constructed a small stockaded fort between Fort Edward VOL. II.-G

and the lake. On the 3d of June the near divisions of the army were ordered to take the field. That same day the general left Albany, and encamped at Fort Edward on the 6th. During this time of military inaction but of tedious toil, an alarming spirit of desertion broke out among the British troops. A large proportion of even the regulars were young and untrained men, unaccustomed to the dull restraint of discipline, and as yet almost unconscious of that professional pride which, to a certain extent, may practically supply the place of a higher principle in the soldier's mind. The Provincials were chiefly new levies, and not always very zealous recruits. The duties of the camp were harassing, the labors on the works were wearying; before them lay a dreary and dangerous march, behind them the pleasant villages and well-stored homesteads of New England. The temptation was strong, the principle of resistance weak. Appeals to patriotism, stringent orders, and moderate punishments proved ineffectual; still by twos and threes, and at length by scores, Amherst's army melted away into the neighboring forests. The last example became necessary; a general court-martial sentenced two deserters, Dunwood and Ward, to death, and they were immediately executed. Despite this terrible warning, despite all promises and threats, the vile treason stillprevailed, especially among the Provincials; two other traitors, Rogers and Harris, were also apprehended, convicted, and shot.

An insidious attempt to examine the British strength, under the pretext of a flag of truce from M. de Bourlemaque, was frustrated by Amherst's vigilance; he would not suffer the French officers to enter the camp, but examined the dispatches, and returned answer while they remained at a suitable distance. The general's active care could not protect the frontier settlers from the atrocious cruelties of the French and Indians; although scouting parties were constantly moving through the forests, the subtle and ferocious enemy eluded their vigilance, and scalped men, women, and children without mercy. These outrages gave rise to the following order by Amherst, which he found means to forward to the Governor of Canada and his general :

"No scouting party, or others in the army, are to scalp women or children belonging to the enemy. They are, if possible, to take them prisoners, but not to injure them on any account, the general being determined, should the enemy continue to murder and scalp women and children, who are the subjects of the King of Great Britain, to revenge it by the death of two men of the enemy for every woman or child murdered by them."

The

It were a needless pain to dwell upon the cruelties of this bloody war. Our countrymen must bear their share, although not an equal share, of the deep disgrace. contending parties readily acquired the fiendish ingenuity in torture of their Indian allies; the Frenchman soon became as expert as his red teacher in tearing the scalp from a prostrate enemy; and even the British soldier counted these odious trophies with unnatural triumph. In the exterminating strife, the thirst of blood became strong and deep, and was slaked, not only in the life-streams of the armed foe, but in that of the aged, the maimed, the helpless woman, and the innocent child. The peaceful hamlet and the smiling corn-field excited hostile fury alike with the camp, the intrenchment, and the fort, and shared in their destruction when the defenders were overpowered. Yet still over these

murdered corpses and scenes of useless desolation, the spotless flag of France and the Red Cross of St. George waved in alternate triumph, proudly and remorselessly, by their symbolic presence sanctioning the disgraceful strife.

The greater part of the troops, artillery, and stores being now arrived, the general advanced from Fort Edward on the 21st of June, with about 6000 men, in two columns; he visited the several posts established on the communications by the way, and that night encamped on the woody banks of Lake George, where the following morning he traced out the plan of a small fort.* The remainder of the troops and the boats were brought up to this point with all dispatch, but the difficulties of the carrying place, the intense heat of the weather, and the badness of the roads

* This is the Fort George marked in modern maps, nearly on the same spot where Fort William Henry formerly stood.

proved harassing impediments to the British chief. During these delays several unimportant affairs occurred between our advanced parties and the French light troops and Indians, which usually ended in favor of the enemy. However, the time was profitably employed by Captain Loring of the navy, who exerted himself bravely and successfully in the arrangements for embarkation; he raised, rigged, and armed the sloop Halifax, and also a floating battery of eight heavy guns, both of which had been sunk in the last campaign. On the 21st of July, all was in readiness; the troops and stores had arrived; the army embarked upon the lake.

The force with which General Amherst now undertook the invasion of Canada consisted of 111 of the Royal Artillery, having under charge fifty-four pieces of ordnance of various descriptions; six battalions of regulars, numbering, officers included, 5743 men; nine battalions of Provincials,* with a regiment of Light Infantry, newly raised and commanded by General Gage, 5279 men, in all numbering 11,133. This army crossed the lake in four columns: the following day it reached the second Narrows without interruption except from the roughness of the weather, and landed near the spot where Abercromby had disembarked the year before. The British vanguard, composed principally of light troops, pushed on rapidly into the bush, and soon fell upon a detachment of the Regiment de Berry and some Indians, commanded by Captain Bournie; the French were instantly overpowered and dispersed, two were "made prisoners, and four were scalped their wounded they carried off with them in their flight." Amherst followed with his main body in good order, and took up a position of great strength

* "Four hundred of these young troops (Provincials) are to be stationed here. . . . . The privates are a poor, mean, ragged set of men, of all sizes and ages; their officers are sober, modest men, and such of them as have been upon service express themselves very distinctly and sensibly; but their ideas, like those who have not been out of their own country, or conversed much with Europeans, are naturally confined; they make a decent appearance, being clothed in blue, faced with scarlet, gilt buttons, laced waistcoats and hats; but their ordinary soldiers have no uniforms, nor do they affect any kind of regularity.”. Knox's Historical Journal, vol. i., p. 237.