return to Egypt. But Choreas, another of Ptolemy's admirals, came up with him while he was preparing to land, and killed him in the engagement, after he had borne the title of king for the space of nineteen years.

During the troubles that disturbed Egypt, Apion, the natural son of Physcon, maintained peace and tranquillity in his dominions. At length, after a reign of twenty-one years, he died, devising Cyrenaica to the Romans, in order to secure them from the miseries in which the countries subject to the Egyptian government were involved.

Lathyrus, upon re-ascending the throne of Egypt, began to settle all things upon their ancient footing, and to remedy, as far as possible, the many disorders and abuses which had crept in during the late troubles. But the inhabitants of Thebes refused to submit to his regulations, and even attempted to shake off the yoke, and resume their ancient liberties. Lathyrus marched against the rebels, defeated them, and laid siege to their city, which they defended with incredible obstinacy for three years. At the end of that time, B. C. 82, he took it, and, by way of punishment, suffered the enraged soldiers to plunder it, who left every where melancholy marks of their avarice and cruelty. Thebes, which till then had been one of the greatest and wealthiest cities of Egypt, was reduced so effectually, that it never after made any figure in history.

Towards the latter end of the reign of Lathyrus, Lucullus being sent by Sylla to procure ships from the princes who retained any regard for the Roman name, in order to block up the ports of Piraeus and Munychia, landed at Alexandria; where the inhabitants, pursuant to the orders of Lathyrus, received him with those honours which were paid only to the kings of Egypt. The king, however, could not be prevailed upon to part with any of his ships, pretending that he was threatened with a civil war in his own dominions. He therefore dismissed Lucullus, after having presented him with his portrait, cut in an emerald of great value.

Lathyrus did not long survive the ruin of Thebes. The next year, B. c. 81, he died, after having reigned thirty-six years; eleven jointly with his mother in Egypt, eighteen in Cyprus, and seven alone in Egypt, after the death of his mother. He was succeeded by his only legitimate child, whose proper name was Berenice, but who, according to the established custom of that family, was called Cleopatra, under which name her brief history is here introduced.

CLEOPATRA.-ALEXANDER II.

Sylla, at the time of Cleopatra's accession to the throne, was perpetual dictator at Rome; and his power was so great, that he gave or took away crowns at pleasure. Hearing, therefore, that Lathyrus was dead, without male issue, he sent Alexander, the son of that Alexander who had reigned before Lathyrus, and murdered his mother, to succeed his uncle in the kingdom, as the next heir of the male line.

This Alexander had met with many adventures. When Cleopatra, the mother of Alex

ander and Lathyrus, marched with her army into Phenicia against the latter, she sent her grandson, Alexander, of whom we are now speaking, into the island of Cos, with a large sum of money, jewels, and other valuable articles, as noticed before. When Mithridates made himself master of that island, the inhabitants delivered into his hands the Egyptian prince, and the treasures which Cleopatra had deposited there with him. The king of Pontus gave him an education suitable to his birth; but he, not thinking himself safe with a prince who had imbrued his hands in the blood of his own children, fled from the court of Mithridates, and took refuge in the camp of Sylla, who was then at war in Asia. From that time, he had resided in the dictator's family, some say, as a domestic, till news was brought to Rome of the death of Lathyrus. Sylla then sent him to take possession of the crown of Egypt, as the proper heir of the deceased king. But the Alexandrians having placed Cleopatra, the daughter of Lathyrus, on the throne, six months before his arrival in Egypt, some difficulty occurred. To compromise the matter, however, and avoid displeasing Sylla, the Alexandrians prevailed upon Alexander to marry Cleopatra, and reign jointly with her.

The nuptials were celebrated with great pomp and magnificence; but Alexander, either out of dislike to Cleopatra, or wishing to have no associate on the throne, caused her to be assassinated, nineteen days after the marriage.

Porphyry and Appian tell us, that the Alexandrians, provoked at this murder, and the haughty and imperious airs their new king assumed, rose up in arms, surrounded his palace, and, dragging him into the gymnasium, put him to death, after a reign of nineteen days. Suetonius and Cicero, however, make it manifest that he reigned fifteen years after this tragical act, during which time he made himself odious to his subjects by his cruelty and his vices, till at length they made a general insurrection, and would have sacrificed him to their resentment, had he not withdrawn from Egypt. He fled first to Pompey, who was then in that neighbourhood, carrying on the war with Mithridates, king of Pontus, and he offered him rich presents to espouse his cause, and restore him to the crown. But Pompey refused to meddle with this matter, as being foreign to his commission. Alexander then took refuge in the city of Tyre, whither he had sent before a great part of his treasures. While in this city, Alexander sent ambassadors to the Roman senate, to make an appeal against his rebellious subjects; but, dying before the negotiation was finished, he made over, by his last will, all his rights to the Roman people, declaring them heirs to his kingdom, in order that he might raise a dispute between Rome and his rival, Auletes, whom the Egyptians had placed on the throne. B. C. 65.

PTOLEMY AULETES, BERENICE, SELEUCUS,

ARCHELAUS.

Ptolemy Auletes was the natural son of Ptolemy Lathyrus. He was surnamed Auletes, or, "the player upon the flute," because he piqued himself so much upon the skill he displayed on this

instrument, that he disputed the prize for playing on the flute in the public games. Strabo tells us that Auletes surpassed all the kings who reigned before him in the effeminacy of his manners, and was no less infamous on that account than Physcon was for his wickedness. He took great pleasure in imitating the effeminacies of the Bacchanals, dancing in a female dress, and in the same measures they used during the solemnity of their god Bacchus hence he is called by some historians, Dionysius Neos, or the New Bacchus.

As Auletes had only a dubious right to the crown, and the Romans pretending that, in virtue of the last will of Alexander, his dominions devolved upon their republic, his first care was to cause himself to be declared an ally of Rome, which was a certain means of being acknowledged lawful king of Egypt. This he obtained of Julius Cesar, who was the consul at Rome. That ambitious man, who believed all expedients just that conduced to his ends, being greatly in debt, sold him the alliance of Rome for 6,000 talents, that is 1,262,500l. sterling; part of which was to be paid to himself, and part to Pompey, whose interest was necessary for obtaining the consent of the people.

Though the yearly revenues of Egypt were twice this sum, Auletes could not raise it immediately without overtaxing his subjects, which occasioned general discontent throughout the kingdom.

At this time, B. c. 58, while the Egyptians were dissatisfied with the conduct of Auletes, and even ready to take up arms against him, an unjust decree was carried at Rome by the tribune Clodius for deposing Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, seizing the kingdom for the republic, and confiscating his effects. When the Alexandrians heard of the intention of the republic, they pressed Auletes to demand that island as an ancient appendage to Egypt; and on refusal, to declare war against Rome. This was opposed by Auletes: upon which the Alexandrians flew to arms, and surrounding the palace, would have sacrificed him to their fury; but having timely notice of the insurrection, he withdrew from Alexandria, crossed Egypt, and embarked for Rhodes with a design to implore the assistance of his former protectors at Rome.

Having arrived at Rhodes, Auletes was informed that Cato, who after his death was called Cato of Utica, had arrived there some time before, being charged by Clodius to put in execution the unjust decree before mentioned. Auletes, desirous to confer with a man of his prudence and integrity about his affairs, sent immediately to acquaint him with his arrival, expecting that he would without delay come and wait upon him. But he was mistaken. The proud Roman informed the messenger that if the king of Egypt had any thing to say to Cato, he might, if he thought proper, come to his house. Auletes, accordingly, waited upon Cato, who did not vouchsafe to rise when the king entered his chamber, and he saluted him only as a private person. Auletes was surprised at this; for the simplicity and modesty of the Roman dress and equipage by no means accorded with so much haughtiness. But he was still more surprised, when Cato, after he had laid the situation of his affairs before him,

blamed him for leaving Egypt, the richest kingdom in the world, in order to expose himself to insults and indignities at Rome, nothing being in request there, at this date, but wealth, power, and grandeur. He did not scruple to tell him, that though he should sell all Egypt, it would not suffice their cupidity. He advised him, therefore, to return to Egypt, and reconcile himself with his subjects; adding, that he was ready to accompany him thither, and employ his mediation and good offices in his behalf. Ptolemy, reflecting on what Cato told him, perceived the error he had committed in quitting his kingdom, and entertained some thoughts of returning to it; but the friends he had with him, being gained by Pompey to urge him onwards to Rome, dissuaded him from following Cato's wholesome advice, of which he afterwards repented.

On his arrival at Rome, Auletes found, to his great concern, that Julius Cesar, on whom he chiefly relied, was making war in Gaul. Pompey, however, who was there, gave him an apartment in his house, and omitted nothing that lay in his power to serve him. But notwithstanding Auletes possessed the protection of so powerful a man, he was forced to go from house to house to solicit the suffrages of the senators. At length, after he had spent vast sums in procuring a strong party, he was, by the interest of Pompey, permitted to lay his complaints before the senate. This he did with much art; exaggerating the hard usage he had met with from his rebellious subjects, and putting the senators in mind of his alliance with the republic, by the articles of which they were bound to support him against his enemies, both foreign and domestic.

While Auletes was thus making interest at Rome, and courting the republic for her consent to his being restored by force of arms, the Alexandrians, being informed of what passed in Italy, sent an embassy to the senate, consisting of a hundred citizens of distinction, to justify their revolt. Dion, a celebrated academic philosopher, who had many powerful friends at Rome, was at the head of this embassy; but Ptolemy found means to destroy most of them either at Rome or before they arrived, which so intimidated the rest, that they declined acquitting themselves of their commission, or even demanding justice for the murder of their colleagues.

The rumour of these murders raised the indignation of the public, and caused a general alarm. M. Favonius, the Stoic philosopher, was the first who declared in senate against Ptolemy. Upon his motion it was resolved, that Dion, the chief of the embassy, should be directed to attend, in order to give upon oath an authentic account of the assassination of the ambassadors. Dion, however, was afraid to appear, and he was soon after stabbed by an assassin, whom the king had hired for that purpose. Auletes, knowing he could depend on Pompey's protection, was not ashamed to own himself the chief author of that crime, and he even pretended to justify the treacherous action. A prosecution was instituted against Ascitius the assassin; and his own accomplices, who were for the most part the domestics of Luccius, at whose house Dion lodged, attested upon oath that he committed the crime with his own hand; but notwithstanding

his guilt was clearly proved, Ascitius was acquitted. An action was then brought against the judges for selling themselves to Ptolemy and betraying their trust; but Pompey and his faction employed all their interest against the accusers, and the venal judges were justified, and injustice triumphed.

Whether Auletes thought that he had nothing further to transact at Rome, or apprehended danger if he continued there any longer, is not certain, but he set out from thence some few days after, and retired to the temple of the goddess at Ephesus, (the most venerable asylum in Asia,) there to await the decision of the

senate.

Though his evil conduct had made him odious to the generality of the Romans, yet, by the interest of Pompey's faction, a decree was carried in the senate, whereby it was enacted, that the Egyptians should be compelled by force of arms to receive their king. A contest now arose who should be charged with the honour of reconducting him thither. No one had more reason to expect it than P. Lentulus Spinther, the proconsul, he having been appointed governor of Silicia, and being supported by the interest and eloquence of Cicero. Pompey and many others were desirous of performing this office, well knowing that it would be attended with an accumulation of wealth. After several months' warm debate, however, Lentulus was appointed to the exclusion of Pompey, whose presence it was pretended was necessary at Rome, he being charged with the care of maintaining plenty there.

The affairs of Auletes now, B. C. 57, made more noise than ever at Rome. One of the tribunes, C. Portius Cato, an active, enterprising young man, and very eloquent, declared himself in frequent harangues against Ptolemy and Len... tulus, and was listened to by the people with pleasure and applause.

The next year, as soon as Lentulus had quitted the office of consul, a new device was formed to frustrate his expedition. A Sibylline prophecy was forged, which ran thus: "If a king of Egypt applies to you for aid, you shall not refuse him your amity but you shall not furnish him with troops, for if you do, you will suffer and hazard much." The law required that these oracles should never be divulged, before an examination by the senate, who suppressed or published them, as they thought proper; but Cato, apprehending that Pompey's faction would pass a resolution for its suppression, immediately presented the priests with whom the Sibylline books were deposited to the people, and obliged them, by the authority which his office of tribune gave him, to lay what they found in them before the people, without demanding the opinion of the senate.

This was an unexpected stroke to Ptolemy and Lentulus. The words of the Sibyl were explicit, and they made all the impression upon the vulgar which their enemies desired, and the decree which empowered Lentulus to carry back Auletes to his dominions was at their request revoked. This Lentulus had expected, and therefore, not willing to receive the affront publicly, he had, before its revocation, set out for his province in quality of proconsul.

This new incident obliged Auletes to change

his measures. Seeing that Lentulus had many enemies at Rome, he abandoned the decree by which he had been commissioned with his reestablishment, and demanded by Ammonius, his ambassador, whom he had left at Rome, that Pompey should be appointed to execute the same commission. His letter being read before the multitude by Aulus Plautius, tribune of the people, his colleague Caninius was of opinion, that Pompey, attended only by two lictors, (for no violence could be used without disobeying the oracle.) should go into Egypt, and, by his authority alone, bring the king into favour with his rebellious subjects. But the tribune was opposed by the senate, and Pompey, notwithstanding his great interest, was obliged to relinquish the pursuit of an honour he ardently desired.

Pompey, being thus excluded, the senators were greatly divided in their sentiments. Bibulus and the consul Marcellinus were of opinion that the king should be restored by three ambassadors, and that those only should be chosen who had no employment in the state. Their view in this proposition was to exclude Lentulus, who was then governor of Cilicia and Cyprus. Crassus agreed to the sentiments of these two tribunes, as to the re-establishing the king on his throne without an army, but opposed the exclusion of such as had employments. Cicero never quitted the interest of Lentulus his friend, who, during his consulship, had greatly contributed to his recall from exile. He was, indeed, so desirous that his friend should have the honour of re-establishing Auletes on the throne of Egypt, and enjoy the advantages which would accrue to him from thence, that, after Lentulus was gone into Cilicia, he wrote to him, advising him to advance, without any further orders from the senate, with all his sea and land forces to Alexandria, and oblige the inhabitants by force of arms to receive their king. "You are," says he in his letter, "the best judge of what you can undertake and perform. If you can reduce Alexandria and the other cities of Egypt, it is, without doubt, both for your own honour, and that of the republic, that you advance thither with your fleet and army, leaving the king at Ptolemais, or some adjacent place, till you have subdued the rebels, and left strong garrisons, where necessary, in order to secure peace, so that he may return without danger. In this manner, you will reinstate him without troops, which our zealots pretend is the meaning of the Sibyl." The Romans were prohibited by the oracle to re-conduct the king of Egypt with an army; and Cicero was of opinion, that if Lentulus had first reduced Egypt by force of arms, and then carried back the king without an army, he would not have acted contrary to the prohibition of the Sibyl, since it would still be true that the king had returned in peace. One would scarcely believe that such a grave senator as Cicero could be capable of thinking to elude the oracle by such an evasion; but he looked upon it only as a political contrivance, (as it in reality was,) to disappoint the expectations of Pompey's faction. But Lentulus, aware of the numerous difficulties which would attend this enterprise, followed the advice which Cicero gave him at the conclusion of his letter, namely, that he should by no means undertake

so great an enterprise, unless he could promise himself certain success.

On his exclusion from the honour of restoring Auletes, Pompey wrote to that prince, advising him to recur to Gabinius, who commanded in Syria as proconsul, which advice he followed. This Gabinius was a man of infamous character, ready to undertake any thing for money, without the least regard to law, justice, or religion. He had ruined, by his robberies and oppressions, the unhappy province of Syria, whither he had been sent after his consulship; and finding that the Syrians could no longer gratify his avarice, he had resolved to make war on the Arabians, in hopes of enriching himself with their spoils. In the mean time, however, Mithridates, who had been driven out of Parthia by his brother Orodes, fleeing for refuge to Gabinius, prevailed on him, by promising him large sums, to turn his arms against Parthia, and assist him in the recovery of his crown. He had already begun his march, and passed the Euphrates, with a design to replace Mithridates on his throne, when Auletes overtook him, and delivered into his hands letters from Pompey, their common patron, wherein he was desired to the banished king, upon such terms as he should think fit to require, and the king to grant.

restore

It was contrary to an express Roman law for any governor to go out of the limits of his province, or to make war, upon any pretence whatever, without orders from the senate and people of Rome. But the authority of Pompey, and the expectation of reward, induced the proconsul to despise this law, and undertake the re-establishing Auletes, contrary to the opinion of all the army, except Mark Antony, who supported the interest of Auletes with great ardour. The more dangerous the enterprise was, the more Gabinius thought he had a right to expect for the undertaking; and therefore he did not blush to ask of the king 10,000 talents, about 1,937,500l. sterling; one half of which was to be paid immediately, and the other as soon as he should be settled on the throne. Auletes, who was glad to be restored upon any terms, agreed to pay this sum; but Gabinius would not take any measures till the first payment was made, which obliged the king to borrow it of Caius Rabirius Posthumus, a Roman knight, Pompey interposing his credit and authority for the payment of both capital and interest.

When Auletes fled from Egypt, the Alexandrians placed Berenice his daughter on the throne, and sent an embassy into Syria to Antiochus Asiaticus, who by his mother Selene, the daughter of Physcon, was the next male heir of the family, inviting him into Egypt, in order that he might marry Berenice and reign jointly with her. But this prince died before the embassy arrived, and the ambassadors were then directed to make the same proposal to Seleucus his brother, who willingly accepted the offer. Strabo describes this prince as a monster of iniquity. His inclinations were mean and sordid, and his only aim was the accumulation of riches. The Egyptians soon discovered his real character, and gave him the nickname of Cybiosactes, that is, "the scullion;" for his conduct answered

to that description. He was scarcely seated on the throne, when he gave a signal instance of his sordid and avaricious temper. Ptolemy Lagus had caused the body of Alexander the Great to be interred in a coffin of massy gold; this Cybiosactes seized, substituting for it a coffin of glass. This provoked Berenice (who, in common with the Egyptians, was already grown weary of him) to such a degree, that, breaking through the most sacred ties, she caused him to be strangled. He was the last prince of the Seleucidæ. Berenice afterwards espoused Archelaus, high priest of Comarra, in Pontus, who called himself the son of the great Mithridates, though he was in reality the son of that king's chief general. These were the rulers in Egypt, when Gabinius undertook to reinstate Auletes on the throne.

Gabinius, having received the stipulated sum, repassed the Euphrates, and, leaving Mithridates to shift for himself, began his march towards Egypt. As he drew near the borders of that country, he detached Antony with a body of horse to seize the passes, and open the way for the rest of the army. As this young Roman was the chief promoter of the expedition, so he acted in it with great vigour and resolution. He not only possessed himself of the passes of a sandy desert, and found a way through the fens of Serbonis, which the Egyptians call the exhalations of Tryphon, but took the city of Pelusium, which Plutarch calls the key of Egypt on that side, with the whole of the garrison, thereby making a way for the rest of the army. Auletes had no sooner entered Pelusium, than, urged by his hatred and resentment, he proposed the destruction of its inhabitants by the sword. Antony opposed this barbarous proposition, remonstrating that it would draw both upon him and the Romans the general hatred of the nation, and thereby retard, if not prevent, his restoration.

But

As soon as Gabinius received advice of Antony's good success, he entered the heart of Egypt. It was in winter, when the waters of the Nile were diminished, that this occurrence took place. Archelaus, who was brave and experienced, did all that could be done in defence of the country, and disputed his ground with much resolution. After he quitted the city, in order to march against the Romans, when it was necessary to encamp and break the ground for entrenchments, the Egyptians, accustomed to live an idle and voluptuous life, raised an outcry that Archelaus should employ the mercenaries in such work, at the expense of the public. This indicated their unfitness for battle. Archelaus, however, led them against Gabinius, but it was only to experience an overthrow the Egyptian troops were cut in pieces, and himself taken prisoner.

By this victory, the proconsul might have put an end to the war; but his avarice prompted him to prolong it he gave Archelaus his liberty upon his paying a considerable ransom, and then, pretending he had made his escape, demanded fresh sums of Auletes to pursue the war. Rabirius, who followed the king in this expedition, lent him what money he required at a very high interest. Such were the despicable

H

artifices made use of by the Romans at this date to enrich themselves.

Archelaus, when again at liberty, would have long disputed the crown with his rival, had his troops seconded his valour; but, the Egyptians having in several encounters turned their backs at the very first onset, he was at length obliged to shut himself up in Alexandria, which Gabinius closely besieged, both with his sea and land forces. Archelaus defended the place with great bravery, till he was reduced to the last extremity; then, urged onward by despair, he marched out to hazard another battle, in which, being abandoned by his effeminate troops, he lost both his crown and his life. Mark Antony, who, on a former occasion, had been his particular friend and guest, hearing that he was slain, commanded search to be made for his body, wept over it when it was found, and took upon himself to inter it with all the honours due to a person of his rank.

Auletes, being now master of Alexandria, easily reduced the rest of Egypt to his authority, and was thereby re-established upon his throne. In order to strengthen him in it, Gabinius left some Roman troops to guard his person. But these soldiers soon exchanged their Roman manners for the luxury and effeminacy of those among whom they lived, so that they placed very little restraint upon the Alexandrians.

Seeing himself in quiet possession of the throne, Auletes began to vent his rage on all those who had been concerned in the rebellion. His own daughter, Berenice, was the first sacrifice to his resentment. The crime he laid to her charge was, her having accepted the vacant throne when the Alexandrians offered it to her. Afterwards, he sacrificed most of the wealthy citizens, under pretence that they had been concerned in the rebellion. Their estates were confiscated, in order to raise the vast sums which he had still to pay to Gabinius, or to return to Rabirius. To be rich, was a crime for which many were condemned; the king filling his dominions, as Dion Cassius expresses it, with blood and slaughter, that he might fill his coffers with the treasures of his unhappy subjects.

These oppressions the effeminate Egyptians suffered with great patience for a short time, being kept in awe by the Roman garrison which Gabinius had left in Alexandria. But neither the fear of the Romans, nor the authority of Ptolemy, could make them endure a far less affront. A Roman soldier, having accidentally killed a cat, which animal was worshipped by the Egyptians, the supposed sacrilege was no sooner known, than the Alexandrians made a general insurrection; and, gathering together in crowds, made their way through the Roman guards, dragged the soldier out of his house, and tore him in pieces. Diodorus Siculus, who relates this insurrection, was an eye witness of it.

C. Rabirius Posthumus had lent Auletes immense sums to defray the expenses of his expedition against his rebellious subjects. When Auletes was established on his throne, he sent to him requesting payment; and, finding that the king was very backward, he resolved to leave Rome, and seek re-payment in person. When he arrived at Alexandria, he pressed the king to

perform his engagements. Auletes, however, showed little regard to his remonstrances, excusing himself on account of the low state of his finances since the revolution. He gave him, indeed, to understand that he despaired of satisfying him, unless he would consent to take upon him the care of his revenues, by which means he might reimburse himself by occasional small sums with his own hands. The unfortunate creditor accepted the offer, for fear of losing the amount for which he was himself indebted to others; but the wicked Auletes soon after, upon some frivolous pretence, ordered him and his servants to be imprisoned. This shameful treatment exasperated Pompey as much as Rabirius; the former having been, in some measure, security for the debt, inasmuch as the money was lent at his request, and the whole business transacted by him at a country house of his own near Alba. But Rabirius found means to escape from prison; and, as he had reason to fear the worst from so cruel and faithless a prince, he was well pleased to be able to flee from Egypt without further molestation. To complete his disgrace, he was prosecuted as soon as he returned to Rome, for having aided Auletes in corrupting the senate, by his gold; for having dishonoured the character of a Roman knight, by farming the revenues, and becoming the servant of a foreign prince; and for having been an accomplice with Gabinius, and sharing with him the ten thousand talents which the proconsul had received for his Egyptian expedition. Rabirius appears to have been acquitted; and the eloquent oration of Cicero in his defence, which is still extant, will be a lasting monument of the treachery and ingratitude of Auletes.

Notwithstanding the unheard-of tyranny with which Auletes harassed his subjects, he died, B. C. 51, in the peaceable possession of his kingdom, about four years after his re-establishment, and thirty after he had first ascended the throne. He left two sons and two daughters. He bequeathed his crown to his eldest son and daughter, ordering them to be joined in marriage, according to the vile and scandalous custom of their family, and to govern with equal power. These being both under age, (the daughter, who was the elder, was seventeen years old only,) he left them under the tuition of the Roman people, whom he conjured by all his idol gods, and his allegiance with Rome, to take care that his will was duly executed. Eutropius tells us, that, a copy of his will being transmitted to Rome, Pompey was appointed the guardian of the young prince. Both the sons were called Ptolemy; the daughters' names were Cleopatra and Arsinoe. This was the Cleopatra whose history is so conspicuous, or rather so infamous, in the ancient records, and which is related in the succeeding pages.

PTOLEMY, CLEOPATRA.

Little is known of the beginning of the reign of Cleopatra and her brother. The first act recorded of her is, that, two of the sons of Bibulus, who had been consul with Julius Cesar, and was at this time, B. c. 48, proconsul of Syria, being killed in Alexandria by the