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posed their dead bodies to all the indignities possible, dragging them through the streets, and literally tearing them to pieces. All their relations and creatures met with the same treatment.

Among those who died was Philammon, the assassin who murdered Arsinoe. This man having returned from Cyrene to Alexandria two or three days before the tumult broke out, the ladies of honour of that unfortunate queen had instant notice of it, and taking the opportunity which the distractions of the city gave them, they resolved to revenge her death. Accordingly, they broke open the door of the house where he was, and killed him with clubs and stones.

The care of the king's person was now given to Sosibius, son to him who had governed during the last three reigns. History does not state whether the father was still alive; but it is certain that he lived to a great age, as he had passed above sixty years in the administration. Polybius says, that no minister was ever more corrupt or more subtle than Sosibius. Provided they conduced to his purpose, he made no scruple of committing the blackest crimes. This author, indeed, attributes to him the murder of Lysimachus, son of Ptolemy; of Arsinoe, daughter of that Lysimachus; of Magas, son of Ptolemy; of Berenice, daughter of Magas; of Berenice, mother of Ptolemy Philopater; of Cleomenes, king of Sparta; and of Arsinoe, daughter of Berenice. If he was such a monster of iniquity, it is surprising that he should so long have supported himself in the administration.

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At the end of that time, the court, sensible of their danger, had recourse to the Romans for protection, offering them the sole guardianship of the king, and the regency of his dominions during his minority; declaring that the late monarch, at his death, had recommended them thus to act. It was the interest of the Romans not to suffer the power of Philip and Antiochus to increase, by the addition of so many rich provinces, of which the empire of Egypt at that time consisted. They foresaw, also, that they would soon be engaged in war with those two princes, with one of whom they were already involved in a quarrel. For these reasons, they did not hesitate to accept the guardianship of Epiphanes. They sent thither Emilius, who, pursuant to the instructions he had received from the senate, settled every thing to as much advantage as the state of affairs in Egypt would then admit. He appointed Aristomenes, the Acarnanian, who had long been connected with the court of Egypt, to superintend the education and person of the young monarch, and made him prime minister; duties which he discharged with the utmost prudence and fidelity.

At the same time that Æmilius was sent into Egypt to assume the guardianship of Epiphanes, two other deputies were despatched to Antiochus and Philip, to acquaint them with their resolution, and to enjoin them not to molest the dominions of their royal pupil; otherwise, they would be compelled to declare war against them. This declaration in favour of an oppressed infant monarch was making a just and noble use of their power; and it were to be wished that powerful states would at all times act thus generously.

Although Antiochus king of Syria, and Philip king of Macedonia, had, during the reign of Ptolemy Philopater, discovered great zeal for the interest of that monarch, and were ready to assist him on all occasions, yet, no sooner was he dead, than they joined in a criminal alliance to destroy the infant heir, whom the laws of humanity and justice enjoined them not to disturb, in order to divide his dominions between them. Philip was to possess Caria, Lybia, Cyrenaica, and Egypt; and Antiochus all the rest. With this view, the latter entered Colo-Syria and Palestine; and, in less than two campaigns, made an entire conquest of those two provinces, with all their cities and dependencies. Their guilt, says Polybius, would not have been so glaring, had they, like tyrants, endeavoured to gloss over their crimes with some specious pretence; but, so far from doing this, their injustice and cruelty were so barefaced, that to them was applied what is generally said of fishes, that the larger ones, though of the same species, prey on the lesser. This author adds :-" One would be tempted, at seeing the most sacred laws of society thus openly violated, to accuse Providence of being indifferent to the crimes of man." But the issue showed that there is One who ruleth on high; One who taketh note of all the deeds of every man, and who rewardeth them according to their deserts. Whilst these princes were meditating the destruction of an infant, and the subversion of his kingdom, Providence raised up the Romans against them, who entirely subverted their king-spoils, taken in the conquered countries. doms, and subdued their successors.

The first thing Aristomenes sought to effect was, to defend himself against the invasion of the two confederate kings. For this purpose, he sent Scopas into Etolia, with large sums of money, to levy as many troops as possible; the Etolians being looked upon at that time as the best soldiers in the world. In this mission Scopas succeeded; he brought 6000 soldiers from that country, which was considered to be a valuable reinforcement for the Egyptian army.

This confederacy was formed B. c. 203, and during the next two years Egypt was threatened.

This Scopas had formerly enjoyed the highest posts in his own country, and was thought to be one of the bravest and most experienced generals of that age. When the time of continuing his employment expired, he flattered himself with the hopes of being continued in his office, but was disappointed. This gave him disgust, so that he left Ætolia, and engaged in the service of the king of Egypt.

The next year, B. c. 199, the Egyptians, seeing Antiochus employed in Asia Minor, in the war which had broken out between him and Attalus, king of Pergamus, sent Scopas into Palestine and Cœlo-Syria, to endeavour to recover those provinces. He carried on the war so successfully, that he recovered several cities, retook Judea, threw a garrison into the citadel of Jerusalem, and upon the approach of winter returned to Alexandria, whither he brought exceeding rich

But the success of this campaign was principally owing to the absence of Antiochus, and to the little resistance which had been made, for he

was no sooner arrived there, B. c. 198, than victory declared in his favour. Scopas, who had returned with an army, was defeated at Paneas, near the source of the river Jordan, in a battle wherein a great slaughter was made of his troops. He was forced to fly to Sidon, where he shut himself up with the 10,000 men he had left. Antiochus besieged him in it, and reduced him to such extremities, that, being in want of provisions, he was forced to surrender the city, and content himself with having his life spared. The government of Alexandria employed its utmost efforts to relieve him in Sidon, and three of the best generals, at the head of the choicest troops of the state, had been sent to raise the siege. But Antiochus made such judicious arrangements, that all their efforts were defeated, and Scopas was obliged to accept of the ignominious condition of being sent home, naked and disarmed.

Antiochus went from thence to Gaza, where he met with a strong resistance, which highly incensed him; and, accordingly, having taken the city, he abandoned the plunder of it to his soldiers. He then secured the passes through which the troops of Egypt approached, and, returning back, subjected all Palestine and Cœlo-Syria.

The instant that the Jews, who had at that time cause to be offended with the Egyptians, knew that Antiochus was advancing towards their country, they came to meet him, and to deliver up the keys of all their cities. When he came to Jerusalem, the priests and elders came out in great pomp to meet him and to pay him honour. They likewise assisted him in driving from the castle the soldiers whom Scopas had left there. In return for these services, Antiochus granted them a great many privileges; and he enacted, by a particular decree, that no stranger should be allowed access to the inner part of the temple, a prohibition which had reference to Philopater's attempt to force his way thither.

probable he would have succeeded. Aristomenes, the prime minister, being apprised of the conspiracy, laid Scopas under an arrest; after which, he was examined before the council, found guilty, and executed, with all his accomplices.

This plot made the government no longer confide in the Etolians, who till then had been held in great esteem for their fidelity; most of them were removed from their employments, and sent into their own country.

The transition from avarice to perfidy and treason is very short, and the fidelity of the man who is governed by a passion for riches cannot be safely relied on. This it was that led Scopas to his tragical end. After his death, immense treasures were found in his coffers, which he had amassed by plundering the provinces over which he commanded, more especially that of Judea. It has been well observed, that "a wise man will desire no more than what he can get justly, use prudently, distribute cheerfully, and live contentedly with;" for when avarice rules dominant in the heart, it leads to various crimes, and to ultimate ruin, of which this is a striking instance.

One of the principal accomplices of Scopas was Dicearchus, who had formerly been admiral to Philip, king of Macedonia. A strange action is recorded of this man. That prince having commanded him to fall upon the islands called Cyclades, in open violation of the most solemn treaties, he set up two altars, one to Injustice, and the other to Impiety, and offered sacrifices on both, thereby insulting both gods and men. As this man had so greatly distinguished himself by his crimes, Aristomenes distinguished him from the rest of the conspirators in his sufferings; for while they were despatched by poison, he was made to endure the most severe tor

ments.

About this time, Epiphanes, although he had not attained the years appointed by the laws, was declared of age, and was set upon the throne with great pomp and solemnity; after which, he took the government upon himself.

Three years after, B. c. 193, the marriage of Epiphanes with Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus, took place. She was brought by her father to Raphia, a frontier city of Palestine, towards Egypt, where the marriage was solemnized, and where Epiphanes received the provinces of Cœlo-Syria and Palestine as her dowry, but upon condition that he should pay to Antiochus half the revenues.

Having thus subjected all Colo-Syria and Palestine, Antiochus resolved upon making the like conquest in Asia Minor. But as it would be necessary, for the success of his design, to prevent the Egyptians from molesting him in his new conquests, at a time that he should be far away from his kingdom, he sent Eucles the Rhodian to Alexandria, to offer his daughter in marriage to Ptolemy; but on this condition, that they should not celebrate their nuptials till they should be a little older; and that then, on the Immediately upon his accession to the throne, day of their marriage, he would give up those Epiphanes sent an ambassador into Achaia, to provinces to Egypt, as his daughter's dowry. renew the alliance which the king his father had This proposal being accepted, the treaty was formerly concluded with the Achæans. The latter concluded and ratified; and the Egyptians, re-readily embraced the friendship of Epiphanes, lying on his promises, suffered him to carry on his conquests unmolested.

About the year B. c. 196, a conspiracy was formed against the life of Ptolemy, by Scopas. That general, seeing himself at the head of all the foreign troops, the greatest part of which were, like himself, Etolians, imagined that with these veteran forces it would be easy for him to usurp the crown during the king's minority. His plan was already formed; and, had he not wasted his time in consulting and debating with his friends, instead of acting, it is

and accordingly sent as deputies to the king, Lycortas, father of Polybius the historian, and two other ambassadors. The alliance being renewed, Philopomen, who was at that time in office, invited Ptolemy's ambassador to a banquet, at which the conversation turned upon Epiphanes. His ambassador expatiated long and loud on his dexterity in the chase, his address in riding, and his vigour and activity in the exercise of his arms; and, to give an example of what he asserted, he declared that this prince had killed, on horseback, a wild bull with one stroke of his

javelin; as though such a deed was an ennobling | very probable; for Ptolemy hated Antiochus on virtue, redounding to the honour, and not, as it in reality did, to the disgrace of Epiphanes; since such dexterity could only be attained by neglecting his duties as a king.

It was a wise saying of Antisthenes, "It is better to fall amongst birds of prey than flatter-❘ ers; for they only devour the dead, but the flatterer devours the living." As long as Aristomenes was at the helm, and Epiphanes listened to his wise counsels, the affairs of state were managed so as to gain universal approbation. But as soon, almost, as he became his own master, the flattery of his courtiers gained the ascendancy over him; and the remaining part of his reign was rendered infamous. Aristomenes did not cease to give him good advice, and to intreat him to conduct himself in a manner more worthy of his exalted station. But he was unheeded. Plunging himself into all the vices which had rendered his father's name and reign odious, instead of hearkening to his wholesome admonitions, Epiphanes ordered Aristomenes to be put to death for the liberties he had taken. After this foul deed, he abandoned himself to excesses of every kind, following no other guides, in the administration of affairs, but his own wild passions, and exercising a most cruel tyranny over his subjects.

This brought Epiphanes into great difficulties. The Egyptians, (B.c. 183,) unable to endure the grievances to which they were daily exposed, formed associations, and entered into a conspiracy, with a design to depose him, which Diodorus says, they were upon the point of executing. To extricate himself, however, Epiphanes appointed Polycrates prime minister. This man possessed great bravery, superior abilities, and consummate experience, in affairs both of peace and war. He had commanded in the capacity of general under his father in the battle of Raphia, on which occasion he greatly contributed to the victory. Afterwards, he was made governor of Cyprus, and happening to come from thence to Alexandria, when the conspiracy of Scopas was brought to light, the expedients he adopted conduced much to the preservation of the state. By his aid Ptolemy, indeed, overcame the rebels. He obliged their leaders, who were the chief lords of the country, to capitulate and submit, upon certain conditions. But having got them into his power, he violated his promise; and, after exercising various cruelties upon them, he caused them to be put to death. This treacherous conduct involved him in fresh difficulties, from which he was again delivered by the counsel of Polycrates.

Epiphanes maintained, during the whole of his reign, a strict friendship with the Romans. Livy tells us that he offered them a thousand pounds' weight of gold, and twenty thousand of silver, to carry on the war against Antiochus, king of Syria, whose daughter he had married; and that when Antiochus was driven out of Europe by the Roman arms, he sent an embassy to Rome to congratulate the senate on the deliverance of Greece, and the flight of Antiochus; and to offer them, in his name, and in that of his queen Cleopatra, ships, money, or provisions, to aid them in their strife with the Syrian monarch. This is

account of disturbances which he had fomented in his kingdom, and Cleopatra, in all likelihood, was shocked at her father's treachery and cruelty; for he is said to have married her to Ptolemy with no other view but to get rid of him by her means, and to possess himself of Egypt. virtuous young queen, inviolably attached to her duty, joined with Ptolemy against Antiochus, and preferred, says Jerome, conjugal affection to the ties of blood.

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Ptolemy cultivated with great care the friendship of the Achæan republic. In the end of his reign, he sent ambassadors to them, inviting the confederacy to join with him in an offensive and defensive league, and promising them six thousand shields, two hundred talents of brass, and ten ships of fifty oars each, equipped for war. His offer was accepted, and ambassadors were appointed, namely, Lycortas, with his son Polybius, and Aratus, to renew the alliance, and bring the ten ships into Peloponnesus.

This treaty, however, was not carried into effect. Ptolemy, having reduced his subjects at home, was preparing to make war upon Seleucus, king of Syria. But as his finances were exhausted, one of his chief officers asked him by what means he would carry on his designs. He replied, that his friends were his treasures. This answer being circulated among his officers and courtiers, they concluded that he designed to pursue the war with their fortunes and estates. To prevent this evil, therefore, which had more weight with them than the allegiance they owed their king, or any misfortune which could befall their country, they caused him to be poisoned. This tragical act occurred B. C. 180, after Ptolemy had lived twenty-nine, and had reigned twenty-four years. He was succeeded in his kingdom by his son,

PTOLEMY PHILOMETER,

under the guardianship of his mother, who for the space of eight years governed the kingdom of Egypt with great prudence and moderation. At the end of that time, Cleopatra dying, the regency fell to Lanæus, a nobleman of great distinction in that country, and to Eulæus, an eunuch, who was charged with the care of the young king's education. They had no sooner entered upon the administration, than they demanded Colo-Syria and Palestine of Antiochus Epiphanes, who at that time reigned in Syria; a demand that eventually occasioned a war between the two crowns. Cleopatra, who was mother to one of these kings, and sister to the other, had prevented the strife as long as she lived; but the new regents did not show much regard for Antiochus, nor scruple to demand of him what they believed belonged to their sovereign by right. It is certain, indeed, that the Egyptian monarchs had always possessed the sovereignty of these provinces, from the time of Ptolemy Soter, till Antiochus the Great wrested them from Ptolemy Epiphanes, and left them to Seleucus, his son. His right, therefore, was no other than that of conquest, and as such alone they had descended to Antiochus Epiphanes.

To enforce their pretensions, the Egyptians

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declared that, in the last division of the empire between the successors of Alexander, these provinces had been assigned to Ptolemy Soter; that himself, and his successors to the crown of Egypt, had enjoyed them from that time to the battle of Paneas, when Antiochus the Great dispossessed Egypt of them; that this prince had stipulated, when he gave his daughter to the king of Egypt, to restore to him those provinces as her dowry; and that this was the principal article of the marriage contract.

Antiochus denied these facts, and pretended that, on the contrary, in the general division which had been made of Alexander's empire, all Syria, including Colo-Syria and Palestine, had been assigned to Seleucus Nicator, and that, consequently, they belonged to the prince in possession of the kingdom of Syria. With regard to the marriage contract, by virtue of which the Egyptians demanded back those provinces, he asserted that it was chimerical. In fine, after having given their reasons on both sides, without coming to any conclusion, they resolved to decide their pretensions by force of arms.

At this time, B. c. 171, Ptolemy Philometer, having attained his fifteenth year, was declared of age. Great preparations were made in Alexandria for the solemnity of his coronation, according to the Egyptian custom. Antiochus sent an ambassador, on that occasion, to congratulate the young king in his name. This was, ostensibly, to do honour to his nephew; but his real motive was to discover, if possible, the designs of that court with respect to the provinces of ColoSyria and Palestine. His ambassador returned with the intelligence that preparations were making for war; whereupon he visited the frontiers of the country, and put himself in a posture of defence against the Egyptians. Nor did he stop here. Finding himself in a condition to begin war, he resolved not to wait for it in his own dominions, but to carry his arms into Egypt. He imagined that, as Ptolemy was but sixteen years of age, and was governed by unskilful ministers, he should be able to bring him to what terms he pleased. He was persuaded, also, that the Romans, under whose protection Egypt still remained, had such deep warlike engagements, that it would be impossible for them to give the Egyptians the least succour; and that the war they were carrying on against Perseus, king of Macedon, would afford them no leisure. He thought, in short, that the present juncture was very favourable for him to decide his differences with the Egyptians.

In the mean time, he sent ambassadors to Rome, to represent the right he had to the disputed provinces, and the necessity of his engaging in a war to support that right. Immediately after, he put himself at the head of his army, and marched towards the frontiers of Egypt. The two contending armies met near Mount Cassius and Pelusium, and a battle was fought, in which Antiochus was victorious. He now put the frontier in a condition to serve as a barrier, and to check the utmost efforts the Egyptians might make to recover the provinces; after which enterprise, he retired to Tyre.

The next year, B. c. 170, Antiochus again invaded Egypt, both by sea and land. By this

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time, Ptolemy had raised a very considerable army, but it was to no purpose. Antiochus gained a second battle on the frontiers, took the city of Pelusium, and marched into the very heart of Egypt.

In this defeat of the Egyptians, it was in the power of Antiochus to have caused a universal desolation. But it was the ruin of his nephew alone that he sought. With this end in view, instead of carrying on the work of slaughter, he obliged his soldiers to sheathe the sword, which affected clemency gained him the hearts of the Egyptians. When he advanced into the country, the inhabitants came in crowds to pay homage to him, so that he soon took Memphis and all Egypt, Alexandria excepted.

Philometer was either taken or else surrendered himself to Antiochus, who set him at liberty. After this they lived apparently in great friendship. For some time, indeed, Antiochus affected to be anxious for the interests of his nephew, and to regulate his affairs as his guardian. But when he had gained a firm footing in the country, he seized whatever he thought fit. He plundered all places, and enriched himself as well as his soldiers with the spoils of the Egyptians.

All this time, says Justin, Philometer made a miserable figure. In the field he avoided danger, and did not even show himself to those who fought for him. And after the battle, he submitted himself to Antiochus in the most abject manner, without even making one effort to recover his kingdom. This, however, was not so much owing to want of courage and capacity, (for he afterwards gave proofs of both,) as the effects of his effeminate education under Eulæus. That perfidious minister had used his utmost endeavours to plunge Philometer into luxury and effeminacy, in order to make him incapable of public business, that he might retain all power in his own hands, even when he, the king, had attained the right of governing for himself.

The Alexandrians, B. c. 169, seeing Philometer in the hands of Antiochus, considered him as lost, and therefore they declared the kingdom void, and seated his younger brother upon the throne. This prince, according to Porphyry, had the name of Ptolemy Euergetes II. given him, which was soon changed to that of Cacoergetes; the former signifying "beneficent," and the latter "evil doer." Afterwards, he was named Physcon, which was a term of derision, alluding to his gluttony, which had made him remarkably corpulent, under which name he is usually mentioned by ancient historians. Cineas and Cumanus were appointed the chief ministers of Physcon, and they were directed to use their utmost endeavours to restore the affairs of the kingdom to their former flourishing condition.

Antiochus took note of these proceedings, and returned a third time into Egypt, under the specious pretence of restoring the dethroned monarch, but in reality, to make himself absolute master of the kingdom. He defeated the Alexandrians in a sea-fight near Pelusium, marched his forces into Egypt, and advanced directly towards Alexandria, in order to besiege it. The young king consulted his ministers, who advised

him to assemble a grand council to deliberate on the measures proper to be taken in the present exigency. After many debates, the council called came to this resolution-That, as their affairs were reduced to so low an ebb, it would be necessary for them to seek a reconciliation with Antiochus; and that the ambassadors of the several states of Greece, who were in Alexandria, should be desired to employ their mediation, to which they readily consented. They repaired with two of Ptolemy's ambassadors to the camp of Antiochus with the overtures of peace. The king gave them a favourable reception, regaled them in a magnificent manner, and appointed the next day for them to make their proposals. The Achæans spoke first, and afterwards the rest in their turns. All were unanimous in their accusation of Eulæus; ascribing the calamities of the war to his mal-administration, and to the minority of Philometer. At the same time, they apologized in a very artful manner for the new king, and employed all the powers of their rhetoric to move Antiochus in his favour, in order to induce him to treat with him, laying particular stress on their affinity.

Antiochus, in his reply, agreed with them as to the cause and origin of the war, and took occasion from thence to expatiate on the right he had to Colo-Syria and Palestine, alleging the reasons before stated, and producing some documents which were judged so conclusive, that the members of this congress were convinced of the justice of his claim to these provinces. As to the conditions of the peace, he postponed them till another opportunity; giving them reason to hope that a solemn treaty would be drawn up as soon as two absent persons, whom he named, should be with him; declaring, at the same time, that he would not take any measures without them. But this was a subterfuge. After he had given this answer, he decamped, came to Naucratis, marched from thence to Alexandria, and besieged it.

They were instructed to wait first upon Antiochus, and afterwards on Ptolemy; to order them, in the name of the senate, to suspend all hostilities, and put an end to the war; and to declare, that should either of the parties refuse compliance, the Romans would no longer consider them allies. As the danger was imminent, three days after the resolution had been taken in the senate, the Roman deputies set out from Rome with the Egyptian ambassadors.

A little before their departure, ambassadors from Rhodes arrived in Egypt to terminate, if possible, the disputes between the two crowns. They visited Antiochus in his camp, and did all that lay in their power to induce him to come to an accommodation with the king of Egypt; strongly insisting on the friendship with which both crowns had so long honoured them; and how nearly it concerned them to employ their good offices, in order to settle a lasting peace between them. As they expatiated largely on these topics, Antiochus interrupted them, and declared that they had no occasion to make a long harangue on this subject, that the crown belonged to the elder of the two brothers, with whom he had concluded a peace, and contracted a strict friendship; and that if he were recalled and placed upon the throne, the war would be ended.

These were his declarations, but his intentions were very different; his views being only, says Livy, to perplex affairs for the attainment of his own ends. But the resistance he met with from Alexandria, the siege of which he foresaw he should be forced to raise, obliged him to change his plan, and conclude that it would henceforth be his wisdom to preserve an enmity, and occasion a war between the two brothers. He conceived that this might so weaken both powers, that he might seize upon their kingdom at his pleasure. With this unhallowed view, which demands a sigh for human depravity, he raised the siege, marched towards Memphis, and gave Philometer, in outward appearance, possession of the whole kingdom, Pelusium excepted. This city he reserved as a key for entering Egypt the instant matters should be ripe for his evil purpose.

In this extremity, Euergetes, and Cleopatra his sister, who were in the city, sent ambassadors to Rome, representing the deplorable condition to which they were reduced, and imploring the aid of the Romans. The ambassadors appeared in the audience with all the marks of ce- But these selfish and malicious designs of Anremonial sorrow used at that time in great natiochus were defeated. Philometer began at tional afflictions, and made a speech still more length to wake from his lethargy, and to be senaffecting. They observed, that the authority of sible of the calamities brought upon him. He the Romans was so much revered by all nations; saw, indeed, through the designs of Antiochus, and that Antiochus particularly had received so and rightly concluded that he reserved Pelusium many obligations from them, that if they would for a future opportunity of making war upon only declare by their ambassadors that the senate Egypt, should himself and his brother carry on did not approve of his making war against na- war against each other. The instant, therefore, tions in alliance with Rome, he would draw off that Antiochus marched away, he sent to inform his troops from Alexandria, and return to Syria. his brother that he was willing to come to an acThey likewise represented, that should the senate commodation, which was accordingly effected by refuse to afford them their protection, Ptolemy the mediation of Cleopatra, their sister, on conand Cleopatra, being expelled from their king-dition that the two brothers should reign jointly. dom, would be compelled to repair to Rome, an act, they said, that would reflect dishonour on the Roman name.

The senate, moved with their remonstrances, and persuaded that it was their interest to check the designs of Antiochus, resolved to send an embassy to Egypt to put an end to the war. C. Popilius Lenas, C. Decimus, and C. Hostilius, were appointed for this important negotiation.

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Philometer returned to Alexandria, and Egypt was restored to its former tranquillity, to the great joy of its inhabitants, particularly those of Alexandria, who had suffered severely from this unhallowed warfare.

Reader, it was unhallowed, because the ties of blood were not sufficient to stem the tide of ambition. The kings of Syria and Egypt were all united in near relationship; but this was of no

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