Monday, 10th. The ratification of the Preliminaries by France is come, and that of Spain is expected in a week. This day sevennight is to be the great combat in both Houses; at least, warm opposition is talked of: but such rumours are far from being always verified. For this last week there has been talk of changes; yet only one has happened, the resignation of Lord Carlisle, who, it is said, disapproves the sacrifice of the Loyalists. Others think he is more discontent at not going Ambassador to Paris. I should not think these reports worth mentioning, but that the newspapers have been full of them, though they certainly know nothing of the matter. Neither the old Ministry, nor the fragment of the last, have yet spoken out; and, therefore, the public can form no judgment what will happen.* The capital point, the Peace, is attained. Factions there will always be; the world cannot stand stockstill. War is a tragedy; other politics but a farce. It is plain mankind think so; for, however occupied the persons concerned are by what they are interested in, how little do people dwell upon what is passed, unless it has come to blows! How often, when in Parliament, did I hear questions called "the most important that had ever come before the House," which a twelvemonth after no mortal remembered! Adieu!

*The preliminary articles of peace with France and Spain were signed at Paris on the 20th of January, and on the 27th, copies of them and of the provisional articles with America were laid before both Houses; and the 17th of February was fixed upon as the day for taking them into consideration. "As the time approached for discussing them," says Bishop Tomline, "it was obvious to every one, that the continuance of Ministers in office must depend upon the opinion which Parliament might express respecting the terms of the Peace; and the general expectation was fixed upon the part which the two leaders, Lord North, and Mr. Fox, would take upon that question. Lord North was fully aware of Mr. Pitt's positive determination to have no political connexion with him; and he could not but know, that a perfectly good understanding subsisted between Lord Shelburne and Mr. Pitt: he must therefore have been convinced, that any union between himself and the present Ministers, was utterly impracticable. Mr. Fox, on his part, had resolved not to take office while Lord Shelburne was First Lord of the Treasury. Under these circumstances, Lord North and Mr. Fox had a common interest in the removal of Ministers; and the present appeared a favourable opportunity for effecting that purpose. Their sentiments were sounded by common friends, through whose intervention they pledged themselves to each other, to oppose any motion that might be made for approving the terms of the Peace. Nothing further was settled between them at this time. Future measures were to depend upon the result of their first co-operation." Life of Pitt, vol. i. p. 106. The following notices, with reference to the approaching debate on the treaties, are from Mr. Wilberforce's Diary: "Sat. Feb. 15th. Dined at Tommy Townshend's. Pitt asked me at night to second the Address. Bed at twelve, and sleep disturbed at the thought of a full House of Commons. 16th. Dined at home, then called at Pitt's. Went to hear Address read at Tommy Townshend's. 17th. Walked down morning to House to get Milner into gallery. Seconded the Address. Lost the motion by sixteen. Did not leave House till about eight in the morning." Mr. Wilberforce's biographers add, that, when he came down to the House to second the Address, he inquired of Mr. Bankes, "Are the intentions of Lord North and Fox sufficiently known to be condemned?" "Yes," was the reply; "and the more strongly the better." Life, vol. i. p. 25.-ED.

P. S. The King has instituted a new order of knighthood in Ireland. There are to be sixteen, and they are to wear a watered light blue riband.*

LETTER CCCXCV.

Berkeley Square, Feb. 18, 1783.

I HINTED to you that the Peace was not popular-you must make a prodigious stride from that warning: you must extend your idea to the brink of the precipice, and conceive-not that the peace is to be broken e'er consummate, but that it has already over-turned the peace-maker! It is not eleven o'clock of Tuesday morning, and the House of Commons,† that sat yesterday on the preliminaries, has

* The Order of St. Patrick was instituted by the King on the 5th of February, and consisted of the Sovereign, a Grand Master, and twenty-two Knights; the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for the time being the Grand Master. Hardy, in his Memoirs of Lord Charlemont, says, that, as this measure immediately followed the establishment of the independence of Ireland, it was extremely gratifying. Earl Temple, then Lord Lieutenant, in announcing to Lord Charlemont the institution of the Order, and requesting permission to put his Lordship's name upon the list, added, "that he proposed it with the greater satisfaction, as the motto of the Order, Quis separabit, would tend to enforce that explained, constitutional, and solid Union be tween the two kingdoms, so necessary to both, and which Lord Charlemont had so long laboured to establish upon the surest foundation-that of mutual confidence and affection." With reference to the institution of this Order, Horace Walpole, in a letter to Lord Charlemont, written in 1785, threw out the following sugges tion: "When the Order was instituted, I had a mind to hint to your Lordship, that it was exactly the moment for seizing an opportunity that has been lost to this country. When I was at Paris, I found in the Convent of Les Grands Augustins three vast chambers filled with the portraits (and their names and titles beneath) of all the Knights of the St. Esprit, from the foundation of the Order. Every new Knight, with few exceptions, gives his own portrait on his creation. Of the Order of St. Patrick I think but one member is dead yet, and his portrait perhaps may be retrieved. I will not make any apology to so good a patriot as your Lordship, for proposing a plan that tends to the honour of his country; which I will presume to call mine too, as it is, both by union and my affection for it.'-ED.

The 17th of February having been fixed on for taking the treaties into consideration, Mr. Thomas Pitt moved an address of approbation to his Majesty. As soon as it had been seconded by Mr. Wilberforce, Lord John Cavendish rose and said, that although there appeared some grounds of objection to the terms of the Peace, the House was not at present competent to decide, whether, upon the whole, they de served approbation or disapprobation, especially as the treaty with Holland was not concluded; he should, therefore, move, that the whole of the proposed address, after the words, "to assure his Majesty that," should be omitted, and the following words substituted, "his faithful Commons will proceed to consider the same with that se rious and full attention which a subject of such importance to the present and future interests of his Majesty's dominions deserves: that in the mean time they entertain the fullest confidence in his Majesty's paternal care, that he will concert with his Parliament such measures as may be expedient for extending the com merce of his Majesty's subjects: that, whatever may be the sentiments of his faithful Commons on the investigation of the terms of pacification, they beg leave to assure his Majesty of their firm and unalterable resolution to adhere invariably to the several articles, for which the public faith is pledged, and to maintain the

not been up three hours, after-in short, after carrying a question. against Lord Shelburne, by 224 to 208. He was scarcely less beaten in the other House; where, even with the support of the Household troops, the Bishops, and the Scotch, he had but 69 votes to 55.*

Particulars of this Revolution, which it must be, I do not pretend to tell you. The question moved by the Opposition I barely heard last night at the card-table at Princess Amelie's, who received a notefrom Lord Duncannon. It was a temperate but very artful one; declared against infringing the treaty, though announcing that the House would consider the terms. This is all I know: both Houses are but just gone to bed; and even the newspapers, who have been sitting up gaping for intelligence all night, have not gotton on their clean shirts yet.

Now will you be-and so by this time is every body else eager to know what will be next. That is precisely what I neither know nor guess; in which last point, no doubt, I differ from most people: but you know I always forbid myself conjectures; I have little opinion: of my own penetration-nay, nor of any one's. I have a rule about penetration, which may be paradoxical, and yet I think there is good sense in it: it is this. How would a wise man calculate what is to happen? Why, he must state to himself appearances and causes, and then conclude that they would produce the natural consequences. Now, it is a thousand to one that some foolish circumstance or other interferes, influences some very unforeseen event, and destroys all his fine ratiocination: in short, some mistress, wife, servant, favourite,.

blessings of peace, so necessary to his Majesty's subjects and the general happinessof mankind." Lord North declared bis intention to vote for the amendment, but proposed the following addition: "and his Majesty's faithful Commons feel that it would be superfluous to express to his Majesty the regard due from the nation to every description of men, who, with the risk of their lives and sacrifice of their properties, have distinguished their loyalty and fidelity during a long and calamitous war." The nature of the amendments showed that those who aimed at the removal of Ministers did not venture to propose at once a direct censure of the Peace. It was remarked, that Lord North and Mr. Fox studiously abstained from any reflections upon each other. The Coalition, avowed by Mr. Fox, was not only defended with the boldness and decision that marked his character; but he retorted on Mr. Dundas all the acrimonious expressions which fell from the latter, upon the sudden union of two such inveterate opponents. The division did not take place till half-past seven in the morning, when the amendment was carried by a majority of sixteen; the numbers being 224 and 208. The Address, thus amended, was voted unanimously, and presented to the King on the 19th.-ED.

The debate in the House of Lords continued till half past four in the morning. One hundred and forty-five peers were present; a greater number than had been known on any question since the King's accession. In reference to this debate, Hannah More, in one of her letters, says, "I thought the Peace was to put an end to all divisions and disturbances; but I think I never knew the town in such a state of anxiety and distraction. The disputes are not about peace or war, but who shall have power and place; both of which are lost as soon as obtained. Before you can pay your congratulations to your friends on their promotion, presto! pass! they are out again. Lord Falmouth told me he sat down with a most eager appe tite to his soup and roast at eight in the morning, and several of the Lords had company to dinner at that hour, after the House broke up."-ED.

or clerk gives a sudden bias, and turns reason and its train aside; and the philosopher, who would have disdained to make an unlogi. cal computation, finds all his penetration disappointed.

Well though I cannot lead you a step forward, I will open a little of the back scene, which, at least, will prevent you from making wrong reflections. You must not then imagine that the mere articles of the Preliminaries have caused the approaching revolution; you must not suppose that any sacrifices of glory, interest, or dominion, nor even the dereliction of the Loyalists, though sounded the most loudly, occasioned the fermentation that has made the House of Commons boil over and cast off the Administration. More human causes than national honour and national interest, than commiseration and justice, made the fire beneath burn too intensely. In one word, my good friends, Lord North and Mr. Fox united their forces and defeated Lord Shelburne in a pitched battle. The town says, that he deferred treating with either till it was too late; and that he did treat with them when it was too late; even last week, when he was rejected by both. Whether they can agree better if they are to divide the spoils is now to be seen. But I shall not step over the threshold of next minute; sufficient to the day is the event thereof: I shall say no more, but what I replied (and often do reply, like an old man fond of his own sayings) to a person yesterday morning, who asked me "how all this would end?" I answered, "How will it begin?" That is the proper answer always on political emergencies. Politics never end: after struggles they come to a settlement-but consequences are chained to that settlement; yet I meant more. The first time I used the expression, how will it begin? was in the American war; it was that war that overturned a firm settlement; and when I was asked how it would end, I foresaw how often that question would be repeated before any man would be able to answer it-the question of to-day is but one instance.

Tuesday, in the evening.

I own I was grown uneasy at not hearing from you, and sent to your nephew's on Saturday, and again to-day, having heard he was expected. He came to me two hours ago, and brought me a letter from you, which explains your silence in a very kind manner, as you forbore writing in pity to my weak hand; but you see, that, lame as all the fingers are but the thumb, I can write glibly. Indeed, excepting in my right hand, I am much the better for my late fit: it has cleared my blood and revived my spirits.

When your nephew and I had gossipped over the great event of the morning, I did not forget your disquiet about General Murray, though every body else has; as well as the controversy on foot in print. between Lord Cornwallis and Sir Henry Clinton.* The peace is the topic on the carpet, and has obliterated the war. Sir Horace

This controversy was on the subject of the last campaign in America.

junior will go to the General to-morrow, and, by his own prudent thought, will not tap the matter of your letters, not to put into his wild head what never came into it, or may be slipped out of it; but, should Murray mention the subject, your nephew will satisfy him of your innocence.

I can say no more now; nor have time to speak on the war you foresee between emperors and empresses. Though I have nothing to do with politics, I live so much at home, and my house is in so central a position, that it is a little coffee-house in a morning when the town is full, and I am perpetually interrupted. Adieu! you shall hear again as soon as the prospect clears. I do not send you random guesses and reports.

LETTER CCCXCVI.

Monday evening, Feb. 24, 1783. THE victory of the Opposition on Tuesday last was followed by another on Friday.* Lord Shelburne took Saturday to consider on

* The victory obtained over the Ministers by the new Coalition, on the 17th, appeared so very encouraging, that they determined to come forward with a positive censure of the terms of the treaties; and accordingly, on the 21st, Lord John Cavendish moved a series of five resolutions, condemnatory of the concessions made by the provisional treaty and preliminary articles, as being greater than our adversaries were entitled to, either from the actual situation of their respective possessions, or from their comparative strength. The resolutious gave rise to a long and animated debate; in the course of which Mr. Powis took occasion to notice the very extraordinary and unnatural coalition and alliance which had been formed against Ministers. Mr. Fox made a long and elaborate speech. He lamented that his coalition with Lord North had lost him the support, and brought down upon him the censure, of some persons for whom he had great respect; and asserted, that this junction of parties was rendered necessary by the political circumstances of the country. He avowed his wish to be in office, trusting that, the short time he was in administration, he had not shown any incompetency, which should prevent his offering himself a candidate for a share in that new arrangement which was become indispensable in consequence of the neglectful-not to give it a worse epithetconduct of the First Lord of the Treasury. He imputed the blame of the peace to Lord Shelburne, and represented him as acting upon unconstitutional principles, and as having made disgraceful concessions in the treaties for the purpose of keeping himself in power. Mr. Pitt replied to Mr. Fox in a speech which lasted three hours, till four in the morning, and which his friend Mr. Wilberforce has noted as an instance of those amazing powers of mind which bodily infirmity seemed never to obscure; his stomach on that evening being so disordered, "that he was actu ally holding Solomon's porch (a portico behind the Speaker's chair) open with one hand, while vomiting during Fox's speech." In adverting to the supposed Coalition, he said, "If, however, the baneful alliance is not already formed, if this illomened marriage is not already solemnized, I know a just and lawful impediment, and, in the name of the public safety, I here forbid the bands." After vindicating Lord Shelburne, and bearing testimony to his abilities and zeal in the service of his country, he thus emphatically concluded: "I was not very eager to come into office, and shall have no great reluctance to go out, whenever I shall be dismissed from the service of the public. It has been the grand object of my short official