session of this vast and magnificent continent extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from the Gulf of Mexico on the South to the Great Lakes of the North, a dominion greater than that over which the proudest of the Cæsars ruled, and which is exceeded in modern times only by three empires, Great Britain, with her numerous dependencies scattered all over the world, and Russia and China; and superior at least to the two latter of these in the intelligence, civilization, and political freedom of its seventy-five millions of people.

The reign of Moloch, which cursed the continent of Europe during the first decade of the nineteenth century was an actual benefit to the people of the United States; American merchants supplied the European markets with the richest products of their country; and the population of the United States was greatly increased by the oppressed of all nations seeking an asylum on our hospitable shores.

At the beginning of this century fourfifths of the inhabitants of the United States lived in the country and were engaged in agricultural pursuits. The last decade of the century has witnessed a remarkable change in this respect, and more than half of the population are residents of cities and towns.

On

During the first decade of the nineteenth century, an event occurred which was destined to revolutionize the navigation of the world and to become an important factor in the civilization of mankind. the 14th of September, 1807, Robert Fulton's little steamboat, the "Clermont," left New York, and in thirty hours reached Albany, having made the entire trip, one hundred and fifty miles, by steam. This successful experiment decided forever the possibility of steam navigation, and placed Robert Fulton among the splendid galaxy of American inventors, which includes Franklin, Rittenhouse, Whitney, Morse, Howe, McCormick, Westinghouse, and last but not least, Edison.

Robert Fulton's triumph was not easily won, and he required all the enthusiasm, with which Providence blessed the benefactors of the world, to enable him to continue his work. Having secured the powerful cooperation of Robert R. Livingston, he began the "Clermont." During its building, he had reason to complain of the coldness of his friends and the contempt of the public towards his darling

project.

Not a word of encouragement, not a kind wish, was ever heard by him. He was laughed at, ridiculed, or treated with silent contempt. His boat was called "Fulton's Folly" and when the day arrived for the trial trip it was with much difficulty that his friends consented to be present, fearing that they were going to witness his mortification instead of his triumph. "The moment arrived when the word was to be given for the vessel to move." Fulton afterwards wrote to his friend Judge Story. "My friends were in groups on the deck. There was anxiety mixed with fear among them. They were silent, sad, and weary. I read in their looks nothing but disaster, and almost repented of my efforts. The signal was given and the boat moved on a short distance and then stopped and became immovable. To the silence of the preceding moment now succeeded murmurs of discontent and agitations and whispers and shrugs. I could hear distinctly repeated: 'I told you it would be so; it is a foolish scheme; I wish we were well out of it!' I elevated myself on a platform, and addressed the assembly. I stated that I knew not what was the matter, but if they would be quiet and indulge me for half an hour, I would either go on, or abandon the voyage for that time. This short respite was conceded without objection. I went below, examined the machinery, and discovered that the cause was a slight maladjustment of some of the works. In a short period it was obviated. The boat was again in motion. She continued to move on. All were still incredulous. No one was willing to trust his own senses. We left the fair city of New York, passed through the romantic and evervarying scenery of the Highlands, descried the clustering houses of Albany; we then reached its shores; and when all seemed achieved, I was the victim of disappointment. Imagination superseded the influence of fact. It was then doubted if it could be done again, or, if done, it was doubted if it could be made of any great advantage or value." The voyage of the "Clermont" up the Hudson was in its results second only in importance to the sailing of the "Santa Maria," the "Pinta,» and the "Nina," from the harbor of Palos, on that memorable Friday morning, August 3, 1492.

It is interesting to know that, although Robert Fulton died within eight years

after the "Clermont" first steamed up the Hudson, he lived to witness the complete success of his great invention. The spring of 1808 was the period of Fulton's greatest happiness and greatest glory, for it saw him crowned with honor, and blessed with the love of Miss Harriet Livingston, the niece of his friend and partner, a lady who is described as possessing more than the usual attractions of her sex. It was a love match; the bride was young, beautiful, accomplished, wealthy. The husband's devoted love was returned with equal devotion and with an enthusiastic admiration of his genius. The steamboat was an important factor in peopling the Western States of the American Union, and it came into general use in this country sooner than in Europe. The invention of the steamboat followed soon after the United States obtained complete control of the Mississippi River, when the immense tide of immigration set toward the West.

While the United States was taking a leading place in the van of freedom and civilization, the most despotic power in Europe was assuming a commanding position among Continental nations.

For a

thousand years, Russia had been an Asiatic rather than an European country. Early in the eighteenth century, a prince with progressive ideas ascended the throne. Peter the Great by his indomitable resolution opened the way for the civilization of his country. Catherine II continued the work and drew up with her own hands a new code of laws for the Russian empire. With a mind enlightened far beyond her age and country, she declared that “it is better to prevent crime than to punish it. Would you prevent crime, take all possible means to enlighten the people. The most efficacious preventive of crime is not the severity of the punishment, but the certainty of it." Catherine's literary taste was shown by the composition of two comedies, which received the favorable criticism of so acute a critic as Voltaire. Her artistic taste was shown by the purchase of the celebrated Houghton collection of paintings, which Horace Walpole pronounced the noblest school of painting that England had ever beheld. During the short and inglorious reign of Catherine's son, Paul, Russia's enlightened progress was stopped. The murder of Paul, on the 24th of March, 1801, placed on the throne his son, Alexander I, an enlightened and accomplished prince. He

had been carefully educated on a plan drawn up by his grandmother. His tutor was the Sieur Le Harpe, an eminent Swiss, who was afterwards prominently identified with the foundation of the Helvetian Republic. Le Harpe was deeply imbued with those liberal ideas in politics and religion that prevailed among the higher classes all over Europe during the last half of the eighteenth century. He taught his young pupil the virtues of truth, philanthropy, and toleration.

Alexander ascended the throne amid the joy of his subjects and the general expectation of the nations. Klopstock celebrated his ascension in an ode dedicated to Humanity. The expectations of his subjects and the world were realized by the first acts of the young emperor. Many exiles were recalled from Siberia, torture was prohibited, the public exposure of serfs in the market for sale was forbidden, the censorship of the press was abolished; he inspired his people with a love of civilization and gave a powerful impulse to general education; he erected three universities, established many academies and elementary schools. The young emperor's imagination was dazzled by the extraordinary career of Napoleon Bonaparte, and he entered into a friendly alliance with him. But when the grasping ambition of the French Cæsar caused him to destroy the independence of the Batavian Republic, to assume the crown of Italy, and to encroach upon the whole coast of northern Germany, Alexander joined with England, Austria, and Sweden in the third coalition against Napoleon. We have already seen how the latter destroyed that coalition by the battle of Austerlitz, which terrified Austria, followed by the battles of Jena and Friedland; the one annihilated Prussia, while the other forced Alexander to sue for peace.

During the first decade of the nineteenth century, the baleful effects of the French Revolution were still felt. Not only was the face of Europe changed by that great upheaval, but liberal-minded men were driven to conservatism in politics, and the cause of political reform was put back a generation. The unfortunate association of liberty with the guillotine, of political freedom with the Reign of Terror, had turned men's minds away from the Utopian dream of universal freedom. Selfpreservation is the first law of nations as

well as of individuals, and in the face of the general alarm caused by Napoleon's towering ambition, the hands of rulers were strengthened and the liberty of the people lessened.

The close of the first decade of the nineteenth century saw Napoleon Bonaparte at the height of his extraordinary career. The inspired adventurer, whose life was more romantic than any told in the pages of fiction, had risen in a few years from the position of a sub-lieutenant in the army of the Revolution to an imperial throne, and was in 1810, apparently, firmly seated thereon. He had triumphed over all the countries of Continental Europe; England alone refused to acknowledge his supremacy. One of his brothers wielded the sceptre of Holland, another ruled Spain, a third was King of Westphalia, his brother-in-law was on the throne of Naples, the Confederation of the Rhine was under his protection, the Kings of Saxony, Bavaria, and Wurtemburg were subservient to his commands, his adopted son, Eugene Beauharnais, was Viceroy of Italy, the Emperor of Austria was his father-in-law, the King of Prussia was his vassal, and the Emperor of Russia his friend and ally. The Star of Napoleon was in its ascendancy and the House of Bonaparte seemed firmly established on the throne of France. Such was the position of Europe at the close of the first decade of the nineteenth century.

The last decade of the century shows a remarkable change in the map of Europe and of the world: Russia has far outgrown her early limits; France has lost her pre-eminent position; Prussia has taken the place of her former enemy and become an imperial power; Italy, from a half dozen small states, has been united into a kingdom; England has been making a mighty effort to subdue a handful of Boer farmers in South Africa; in the East, Japan has pierced the bubble of China, and shown the inherent weakness of the oldest empire in the world. In the West, the United States, which at the beginning of the century contained only sixteen States, with a population of five millions, has increased to forty-five States, with seventy-five millions. The House of Bona

parte has disappeared from the political horizon, the House of Hapsburg has ceased to represent a first-class Power, while Spain has sunk lower and lower in the scale of nations.

The most sanguine visionary who lived at the beginning of this century, could not have dreamed of the marvellous progress in practical science which would mark this era of wonders. In 1813, there was published in Philadelphia, a book entitled "Patent Right Operation Exposed," by L. Byllesly, in which, after speaking of the discovery of the steam engine, he prohesied that "the time would come when people would travel in stages moved by steam engines, from one city to another, almost as fast as birds fly, 15 or 20 miles an hour." That prophecy has long since been fulfilled, and, in this last decade of the nineteenth century, steam cars run with perfect safety sixty miles an hour. On the 26th of May, 1819, the first steamer that ever crossed the Atlantic, left Savannah for Liverpool, where she arrived on June 20, causing immense excitement not only in Liverpool, but all over England and the whole of Europe. Although the successful navigation of the Atlantic by the steamer "Savannah >>>> was thus assured, no further attempt was made to cross the ocean by steam until the "Great Western" sailed from England, in April, 1838. She made the passage to New York in one half the time consumed by sailing vessels. During the sixty-four years that have elapsed since the "Great Western » made her first voyage, a mighty improvement in ocean navigation has taken place. Her average trip was fifteen days; her fastest was twelve days, eighteen hours. Within the present year, the trip has been made in little more than five days, and it is confidently predicted that at no distant day the Atlantic will be crossed in four days!

As the grand march of progress never turns back, it does not require a prophetic vision to see that in the coming century even greater wonders will amaze the world than those that have made the closing century the most extraordinary since the creation of the world.

EUGENE L. DIDIER.

T IS not generally known that the words "patriot" and "patriotism" are both recent and foreign in their origin. They were borrowed from the French during the last century at the time of the French Revolution, when the words came into general use. The Jacobins called themselves patriots in distinction from the Royalists. A patriot was one who endeavored to make the State an affair of the people, in distinction from those who sought to identify the State with a dynasty. The cry of Louis XVI «L'état, c'est moi» embodies the one conception, Lincoln's celebrated utterance that Government is "of the people, by the people, and for the people" embodies the other. A patriot, therefore, has more and more come to mean one who is devoted to the welfare of the people and the State; but it is only historical justice to say that the patriot may be either a monarchist or a republican according to this definition.

Paulsen rightly says that patriotism is one of the highest virtues of man. It is "in its real inwardness" a comparatively late product of human development, implying considerable maturity of character and social order, such as are seen in countries which have passed through great State crises. England and America afford the purest illustrations of this quality. The propositions upon which I shall base what I have to say in this article may be stated somewhat as follows: the welfare of the State depends on the subjective relation of the individual to the people, whose interests it is the business of the State to conserve. The true patriot, therefore, is one who invests his whole personality in his country's cause, in the spirit of devotion and self-sacrifice; and no country can prosper beyond the limit set by this relation. Hence patriotism is a quality that grows with the developing intelligence of the people and depends upon the enlightened sense of common interest in an expanding national life; upon that love of neighbor which, ethically speaking, is the nearest approach to the political quality of which I speak.

Before coming to the more immediate work of describing the larger patriotism, which I believe is now demanded of our citizens, we may pause to notice that System of Ethics," p. 658.

hitherto there have been four varieties of patriotism at least, each dependent, historically and psychologically, upon some ruling motive.

First, there is patriotism founded on religious feeling.* Mahometans, like the Arabs and Turks, are illustrations of this kind of patriotism. Here devotion to the public good is synonymous with the interest of a cult. "Believe, or die!" is the formula of propagation. Hence the religious patriot is nearly always a fanatic who does not scruple to shed the blood of his adversaries: religious doctrine sanctions through the sword what is impossible by persuasion. It is fortunate that this species of patriotism is confined to the East. We brand it as an abomination, as false to the tenderness inseparable from pure religious feeling, as well as false to the infinite justice of God. At the same time it is in danger of breaking out even in a country of freedom and toleration: witness the massacres that took place in connection with the early history of Mormonism.

Secondly, there is a patriotism that is founded on commercial competition. Historically, this variety has been in existence ever since the city became a unit of civilization. In ancient times patriotism was identical with civic spirit, with the glory and prosperity of the city, with enterprise which strengthened its commerce. Italy, Greece, and the city-colonies of Asia Minor vied in this way with each other in ceaseless struggles. Commercial wars were the chief outlet of power, and in almost every case the victory was to the strongest and not to the most devoted. This is a form of patriotism which, like the religious variety, has become almost extinct, because the city has ceased to be the unit of civilization. Nowadays, moreover, competition is world-wide, and trade (duties notwithstanding) is much freer than hitherto. Patriotism has become correspondingly broad: no one would attempt by force of arms to compel a man to buy his goods as a sign of patriotism.

Thirdly, a very prevalent form of patriotism is that which is founded on political ambition, that is, the desire for the prosperity of a particular form of government, * cf. Demolins, "Anglo-Saxon Supremacy," p. 278

political party, or platform. Central organization has always been the chief ingredient of power in this species of patriotism. Military leaders have often been patriots in this sense: this is true of monarchies like Germany, and of republics like France, where the army is a political organ. Militarism, therefore, is a necessary outcome of political patriotism. The sup

port of the central authority demands it. The reader does not need to be reminded that wars conducted in obedience to this motive have disgraced the page of history more than enough; and that in consequence the people have been gradually reduced to impotence and deprived of their proper activity in the public life of the State. In our own day, and in this country, the tendency to regard Government as an abstract central authority (spelled with a large "G") has had considerable support. Then the whole duty of the patriot-citizen is to obey the politician: patriotism consists in vigorous preparation for party conflicts, while the central power claims the right to levy elaborate taxation on the passive and obedient citizen. This idea is, of course, as old as Roman civilization, which was founded on the ambition of the politicians, and Rome is the best illustration of the evils of this variety. Rome ceased to be because of unjust and unequal taxation, and so the greatest empire the world ever saw became the victim of scheming politicians.

And unjust taxation will crush the vital spark of a country's life, unless the citizens rise superior to partisan politics. France and Germany are slowly throwing overboard their allegiance to those political parties whose one end is the support of the central organization, the machine, the Kaiser, or the Army, or whatever it is called,- because they see that patriotism of this variety involves a steady drain of the country's resources; peace is more onerous than war. A newer and larger patriotism is taking shape, vaguely expressed in socialism, with its undertone of popular rights and equality of opportunity for all.

Fourthly, the latest, and so far, the best kind of patriotism is the patriotism which is founded on the rights of the individual as an end in himself. It is upon this variety that the larger patriotism which I shall describe is grafted; for it is the necessary condition of the higher develop

ment for which we are laboring. Now historically this variety is based on the disintegration of the central power and the distribution of the political welfare into the hands of those directly concerned the people. Upon their independence and rights all popular government now actually rests. Hence we notice the ease with which citizenship adapts itself to any and every country where personal rights are respected. Patriotism here is not specially localized. The Englishman or American has no word corresponding to the French "Patrie," or the German Vaterland,” as a sentimental term; the English are as loyal and patriotic in Australia and India as in Great Britain, for Anglo-Saxon civilization secures the respect of individuality and personal rights. Indeed, there is a powerful feeling abroad in the colonies of England that the fiction of political union with Great Britain, if snapped, would not in the least change the feelings of the colonies to the Mother Country. This sense of personal independence runs through every department of English-speaking life. Public welfare, indeed, is seen to rest on the welfare of the individual; this is axiomatic; and the citizen's trained sense of his rights and his security in them is, politically, the foundation of his devotion to his country's good.

The

Thus, these four varieties of patriotism contain elements which, if taken together, unite to give us an idea of patriotism as it has been and to some extent still is. demand for the enlargement of our patriotism, then, must rest on the movements of our own age, on the tendencies which are rapidly finding expression in the changing fortunes of States and individuals, and on the developing intelligence of the citizen who sees the needs of his country. And chief among these influences we must name the new national problems with which our age is so replete. The bewildering changes that have taken place in this country alone since ex-President Cleveland's Venezuela message are almost enough to turn the heads of the oldfashioned patriot of the Monroe type. As a people we have always stood against the idea of a strong central organization; of this fact our repudiation of militarism has, up to the present, been the strongest possible confirmation. Our army on a peace footing has been considered sufficient for our enormous territory and population if maintained at 26,000; nowhere