of Queen Anne's death, it was in a very hazardous and tottering condition."

This, continues our Author to his noble Correfpondent, is the light (and, indeed, a very true one it is) in which your Lordship fill fees the negotiations of thofe times, when stripped of the artful dress with which this Author [Bolingbroke] labours to difguise them.

It was with a view, therefore, as his Lordfhip of Woolterton obferves, to unmask this political Charlatan, and expofe his pretended erudition and veracity, in its proper colours, that he undertook to write thefe Letters; a task which at the fame time he modeftly confeffes, he thought needlefs. "I have already told your Lordship, fays he, that it feems to me an unneceffary undertaking; and that any one, who will give himself the trouble to have recourfe to the papers called the Mealey, to the several' tracts written by Dr. Hare, late Bishop of Chichester, relating to the Management of the war, to the negociations of the preliminaries of peace at the Hague in 1709, and at Gertruydenburgh in 1710; the Report of the fecret committee in 1715, founded chiefly upon Lord Bolingbroke's own papers; the Barrier treaty vindicated; Burnet's hiftory of his own times; and Lamberti's Memoirs, will find, that what your Lordship propofes is fully performed; and that the ftrong affertions advanced by the Author of the Sketch, with fuch an affuming and dictatorial air, and which by the help of his magic lanthorn appear to be fomething, are, as he fays himself of the fyftems of fome Philofophers, nothing but appearances. It would therefore be fufficient to refer the impartial Reader, who feems charmed at firft fight with this entertaining novel (for a mere novel it is) to a careful perufal of thofe tracts, and the charm will foon be diffolved; the pleafing ideas, confronted with naked truth, will immediately vanifh, and leave nothing to be feen but a mixture of iniquity and falfhood."

After fo frank a conceffion, the Reader will not expect to meet with a fund of new matter in these Letters. To thofe, hoever, who have not perused, or cannot readily have recourse to all the tracts and documents above-mentioned, they may afford both information and amufement. Our Author's method of arranging his materials, is not injudicious; nor are his animadverfions on the mifreprefentations of his adverfary, and on the polical tranfactions of thofe times, uninftructive or unentertaining. He fets out with making a deduction of the great progrefs of the power of France, as it gradually increased, by the o-operation of the fword and pen, from the treaty of Munfter 648, to the Revolution in England, and the grand alliance

in

in 1689; at which time the languishing condition of Charles the fecond of Spain had ftruck all Europe with a panic, left the greatness of France, already raised to an enormous height, hould, by the union of those two crowns, upon the death of that Prince without iffue, become fo exorbitant, as to attain to univerfal monarchy.

He then proceeds to state and explain the various engagements, relative to the fucceffion of Spain, which the Maritime Powers contracted with other Potentates, for their common fecurity against the Houfe of Bourbon, according to the circumftances. of affairs, and the events of the war, from 1689 to 1703.

A general review is next taken of the operations of the war, and the confequences of them in the feveral parts of Europe, from 1703 to the end of 1706: his Lordship interfperfing fome occafional obfervations on the fteps that were made toward a peace during that time, and on the forced constructions which Lord Bolingbroke hath put on the articles of the grand alliance of 1701. He here endeavours to refute the affertion advanced by his Lordship, [Bolingbroke] that France offered in 1706, to make a fafe and honourable peace with the Allies, on the principles of that treaty.

The noble Writer proceeds next to state the subsequent events of the war, from 1706 to 1709, and 1710; and to set, in a true light, the negociations for peace during the two last years. And, indeed, we think he hath made it fully apparent, that there was no reason to doubt, that the Allies might have been able to recover Spain and the Weft-Indies out of the hands of the House of Bourbon, in favour of that of Austria, had not the administration in England been changed in 1710.

It is the profeffed intention of our Author, to examine next into the conduct of the new administration in England, from 1710 to the conclufion of the general peace, in concert with France, by the treaty of Utrecht in 1713; and whether the honour, fafety, and trade of this nation were consulted in those articles particularly made for England at that time. This part of his Lordship's defign, however, is left imperfect, unless it be executed in fome fubfequent Epiftles, to be published in a future volume; the laft of the Letters before us, ending with the negociations at Gertruydenburgh: fo that his Lordship's epiftolary intercourfe, like thofe negociations, is broken off in an abrupt and extraordinary manner.-But poffibly the public may expect another volume, as we do not fee any propriety in publishing thefe Letters alone, which appear introductory only to the main object of his Lordship's defign.

Serious

Serious Confiderations on the Megjares of the prefere dimnikalo. 4to. 19. Keardly.

Thath been obferved by the greate Politicians, and conIf bed by the best Hifione, greetings, and co firmed by the best Hiftorians, that times of imaginary feeurity are generally times of the greateft danger; the liberties of a people being no longer fafe, than while they are apprehenfive of loling them. In a country, therefore, where this maxim, in any degice, prevails, it is almoft impoffible that fome oppofition fhould not conftantly be made to the measures of the adminiRration. Among a free people alfo, juftly tenacious of their privileges, it may reafonably be doubted, whether fuch an oppolition, though miftaken in its object, may not be falutary in Certain it is, that as all government hath a its confequences. natural tendency to defpotifin, it behoves every nation that hath freedom to lofe, to keep a jealous eye on the conduct of its Minders; and, perhaps, the very virtues of a Prince or his Mupiter, ought to be additional motives to the vigilance of the Subject. One thing, at least, we may venture to affert; ee, that none but bad or ill-defigning Minifters will be difplested at having their meafures candidly enquired into, or the joobees of the conduct impartially explained. So far, therefoes a the Writer of thefe Confiderations hath done this, with gid to the pretent adminiftration, he hath done his country Kitives and ought not to incur the difpleasure of an upright and patos Vinct. But it he is guilty of partiality in the relatonal pacto, e want et candour in tracing the motives of them, be bechayx Toni't to be the tool of a faction, and should be pornod woja iba, contempt which is due to all those who endeayou to delude the rotes, and impote on the understandings, of We the ke him peak for himself, and leave the

Now he dy boh or is candour and fincerity.

いい

ni of the great oe, es, fays he, of the prefent admi#dong sa nad doc.red profeifion of increafing the power of A, Cows by creating induence and dependencies Vamanap na boch dovecot parlanet." This measure, we are Poli, A. A Aqua or roj, e a degree unknown Ence the reign of Chady ho kyond, as goo's of which our Author specifies, ph, goodian gf face now Noerages within the space of two Yap the pipart of No Lords of the bed-chamber, in the PIONETA TEM DARCTIC TO Diventy-two; as all of the Clerks. of th. Zoya vituħ, and ada Ofas of the hotboll, each as to be double the rumPovo allt He expatiates on the recouble cod vigences

confequences of this method of increafing the influence of the Crown; and thinks, whatever objections were made to a former adminiftration, on the fcore of corruption, in a late reign, the fame, and ftill greater, may be made to the prefent.

In fupport of what he advances on this head, he mentions the following fact.

"At the beginning of this Parliament, two perfons were recommended to the M— whose want of property, and expectations in their profeffion, might perhaps make them useful to him as Members of Parliament; he, having no perfonal or family intereft in any borough, where he could introduce them, did advife, though, at the fame time, preaching aloud the stricteft œconomy, and making it the teft of his righteous adminiftration, that he did not profticute the public money for thefe purposes; I fay he did agree to increase the falary of an office 5001. per annum, if he might be permitted to name the Reprefentatives of a certain borough. The bargain was made; the falary of the office was increased; the Representatives named were elected; and the whole done in fo open and avowed a manner, that the person who receives the increased falary, makes no scruple to declare it in public converfation; whilft the two independent Reprefentatives talk loudly of the upright intentions of their Master, and mention, by way of proof, that no money was, at the general election, advanced, out of the treasury, for minifterial purposes."

To this particular fact are added other charges against the M—, of a more general nature; after which our Author proceeds thus.

"But it may be afked, Where is the danger of thefe mea⚫ fures? His M, born a Briton, and tender of British liberty, will fcorn to take advantage of any increase of power, and to do any thing that may, in the leaft, infringe the CON"STITUTION: his M- a man in private life of exemplary goodnefs, has no other view, than to render his Master's time as eafy, amufing, and quiet as poffible: the Gentlemen who accept thefe offices, have been always fufpicious of the power of the Crown, and cannot be fuppofed, for the paltry bribe of a nominal 500l. per annum, to have been convinced of the fallity of principles which they have fo obftinately adhered to, and fo loudly echoed for fo many years.' I answer, that I have moft fincerely the higheft efteem for the goodness of his M- -'s heart, and do not believe he will be brought to do any act that we shall have reason to complain of: I am pleafed

he

tutionals and they have then the long out of the fecrets of government, and too it's convertint is 3 am to know, that When a has, by the murs of free rek, parght, and independent c entlemen, ere led the pottructure of his own power, he may, at plea bre, kick down the foundation, and fubíbitate any rubbih ne fual, find ready to his hand, and more fit for his purpofe, in theur place.

Baving thus cenfured the conduct of the alminiration in the creation of f pernumerary Pensioners, he goes on to confider their behaviour in what he calls, the very grat intended increase of the army. Under this head he takes novice, among other grievances, of there being no Commander in chief; of the extraordinary removal of the Lo ds Lieutenants of counties, and ●ther circumstances which, he fays, open to him a very alarming profpećt.

But we must here take leave of this fpirited Writer; hoping, that if he be not mistaken in his facts, he will at Laft be happly difappointed in their confequences.

The Cafe of going to War, for the Sake of procuring, enlarging, or Jeuring of Trade, confidered in a new Light. Being a Fragment of a greater Work. 4to. Is. DodЛley.

AITE very fenfible and benevolent Author of this little tract, advances a number of judicious maxims, and falu

tary