so entirely under their indirect control. It would seem that there was a considerable opposition party or faction in the Islands, which united all the elements of discontent generated by the rigid system of government established under the Missionary influence. The sectarian antagonism between the Protestants and Catholics, thus gradually assumed also a political tinge; and Boki, who became the chief reliance of the priests and their friends, aspiring to the regency, at one period assumed an attitude which threatened an armed revolution. The old queen, the head of the other party and of the regular government, was the firm and zealous friend of the Missionaries, of whom she is represented by the Catholics as the mere tool. In 1829, the priests lost their main support, in the person of Boki, who perished on an expedition which he undertook in quest of an island supposed to contain a rich quantity of sandal-wood, of which the Sandwich Islands themselves were by this time nearly exhausted. At about the same period, the young king began to interpose personally in the public affairs, being now in his seventeenth year. He has ever since been warm and firm in the support of the Missionaries and what may be termed their policy. The influence of the old queen Kaahumanu continued unabated, till her death in June, 1832. It was exerted in a strenuous opposition to the Catholics. Severe charges have been urged against the Mission of having stimulated this spirit, and of having been the indirect authors of the really cruel and abominable persecutions to which the Catholics were subjected. These are as earnestly denied on the other side; and the anxiety manifested to repel the imputation is an acknowledgment of the gravity of the offence, if true. We do not think that a suceess perfectly satisfactory attends these efforts at exculpation. The influence of the Mission could undoubtedly have prevented these persecutions, had its members seen proper adequately to exert it. The ground on which the imperious old queen justified the punishment of the Catholic converts was the law against" idolatry,” a law having reference to the gross and pagan idolatry of the old superstition of the people. The habit of many of the Protestant sects of denouncing some of the

usages of the Roman Catholic Church as "idolatry," is too well known to need remark; and there is no doubt that this mode of attack against the progress of the obnoxious intruders was plied to the utmost. "As the proselytism of natives slowly progressed and the Romish mission gave indications of permanency," writes Mr. Jarves

"the Protestant missionaries, by force of argument, teaching, and all the influence they could lawfully employ, endeavored to arrest its progress. The minds of the chiefs were sufficiently established; the variable disposition of the mass was of Protestantism, and attacking the dogfeared. Sermons, defending the theology from every pulpit; tracts gave further mas of the hostile church, were uttered circulation to their opinions, and a war of discussion was commenced and actively pursued. Government lent its aid, and unfortunately for the principle, though nccessarily for its support, church and state were united more closely than ever."

The English consul, Mr. Charlton, who is represented as a man of profligate character, sided against the Mission throughout all this period, and contributed greatly by his influence to strengthen the "opposition." It was at last resolved by the government to expel the Catholic priests from the Islands, and an order was given to Messrs. Bachelot and Short, on the 2d of April, to depart in three months. This order, several times repeated, they continued to evade, on the pretext of inability to procure a vessel; till on 24th of December they were placed on board a small vessel belonging to the government, and landed on the shores of California. Kaahumanu died in the following June, 1833, from which time the young king, now on the throne, Kamehameha III., assumed all the responsibilities of government. On the 17th of April, 1837, the two banished priests reappeared at Honolulu, as passengers on board of a vessel named the Clementine, the property of a Mr. Dudoit, a Frenchman, though wearing English colors. A few months before there had been two vessels of war at the Islands, the one English and the other French; the commander of the former of which, Lord Edward Russel, had forced upon the king, under the threat of his guns, a treaty of which

Mr. Jarves's work contains a copy of the constitution which has been adopted for their government, a political instrument reflecting high credit on those to whose instructions and advice the natives owe its possession. Guaranteeing the protection of the leading great personal rights of person and property, and basing its system of government on the law of God and general spirit of His word, it organizes an executive, with two legislative bodies, and a judiciary, and provides for a popular administration of equitable laws. Under its operation, supported by a continuation of such favoring influences as have thus far shed their blessings on the population of the Islands, there is every reason to expect, before the passage of many generations, to behold the Hawaiians as a nation elevated into a condition not unworthy of an honorable place within the great community of civilized christendom. The efforts of the American missionaries have not merely been limited to the religious culture of the Hawaiians. They have justly considered that no nation in the present age, can really appreciate the benefits to be derived from Christianity, unless at the same time it attains a certain degree of intellectual cultivation. In this view, having reduced the language to a written form, they have established schools, which are now supported by the native government; so that few of the younger people of either sex are unable to read. Numerous historical, scientific and religious works of an elementary nature, have been printed. The constitution which has been adopted has been already mentioned; it is one of the most remarkable documents in the history of the world, as containing a voluntary cession of power by superiors to inferiors; a code of laws civil and criminal, fitted to the nature of the islanders, has been formed; and trial by jury, so equitable as to be resorted to by foreigners in questions involving large amounts of money, have secured the judgment of his peers to any subject; and

to

crown the whole, the Hawaiian legislature has annual sessions-verily this has the resemblance if not the reality of a civilized country.

The physical phenomena of the islands, are well worthy of our inspection. Among them we may mention volcanic changes which have occurred,

the frequency of slight earthquakes, and the gradual increase of coast. Although no mention is made of a Hawaiian St. Patrick, there are no serpents, frogs or toads upon the islands. The climate is remarkably even, ranging only from 37 degrees to 77 degrees Fahrenheit in the winter months, and from 76 degrees to 83 degrees in the summer. The fertility of the soil and the nutritious powers of the Kalo plant are so great, that the group is capable of supporting an immense population, (Hawaiian Spectator, vol. 1, pp. 75.) Notwithstanding this fact there is no doubt of a large decrease of population since they have become known to the whites. This fact is, however, distinctly assignable to special causes, which are very satisfactorily explained in Mr. Jarves's work (page 397 et seq.) which have now ceased to operate. The present population is about 100,000.

Brief space only remains to us for a topic on which we had designed to speak at greater length, and with an emphasis that should give expression to the unanimous feeling strongly pervading the United States. We refer to the recent violent, and even brutal seizure of this lovely archipelago by an English naval commander, Lord Paulet, on grounds not rising to the level of even a pretext-an act of sheer, simple, downright and outright spoliation, on "the good old plan." The French had recently possessed themselves of the Marquesas, and again of Tahiti, though with rather more management, rather more decency in the mode. With a worthy rivalry in robbery, the English naval force in the Pacific makes all sail for the Sandwich Islands; and in disregard of the fact that commissioners were at the very time in England for the settlement of a treaty, he coolly commands and compels the helplessness of the native government to cede the islands to the British crown,-to give up "the life of the land," in the words of the touching address by the king, Kamehamela III., to his people. In all its circumstances this was one of the most outrageous outrages that have ever disgraced even the foreign domination of that great maritime and mercantile tyranny-so insatiate in its aims, so unprincipled in its means. It was not only an abomination of injustice in the

act itself, but in the manner, also, so bold, so brutal, it was in bad taste-shockingly bad. But we reserve further remark on this point till the reception of intelligence from England, as to the action of her government. Their officer has been the Thief-will they be the Receiver?

Others may indulge a more liberal hope, respecting the course that will be pursued by England, based on the fortunate fact that the terms of a treaty had been already arranged at London by the commissioners from the Islands, involving a full recognition of their nationality and their independence. For ourselves, we have read the foreign history of England in vain, if the great lion should give up the poor little mouse on which it has thus set its huge paw. The emphatic and indignant protest of our government will have already crossed the ocean before this Number of this Review. To us it is a matter of scarcely less grave concern than to the plundered people themselves. With in the last five years, the Sandwich Islands have assumed a high political importance in the Pacific. Their favorable commercial position, the security of their harbors, and the necessary visits of whaling ships, have attracted thither the best part of the commerce of that ocean. The vital consequence of their independence to the interests of the United States, in the Pacific, cannot be over-estimated. Mr. Jarves says:

"If the ports of this group were closed to neutral commerce, many thousand miles of ocean would have to be traversed before havens possessing the requisite conveniences for recruiting or repairing shipping, could be reached. This fact illustrates

their great importance in a naval point. Should any one of the great nations seize upon them, it might be considered as holding the key of the North Pacific-for no trade could prosper in their vicinity, or even exist, while a hostile power, possessing an active and powerful marine, should send forth its cruisers to prey upon the neighboring commerce. Their isolated position, in connection with their reef or precipice bound shores, would add greatly to other local advantages of defence, and a military colony once fairly established, might surely put at defiance any means of attack which could be brought against them."

The

a matter of consequence, when our Oregon territory shall be more thickly settled, and when the communication across the isthmus of Panama is opened -an event now not much longer to be delayed. The number of American citizens now residing at the Islands, in various capacities, already exceeds in number 500 souls, and the amount of American property at stake, upon the Islands, had increased from $400,000 in 1836, to $1,000,000 in 1842. mercantile interests, which till within two years, have been opposed to the Missionary efforts, are now found to coincide with them, and united, keep up a strong American feeling. Fiveeighths of all the vessels visiting the Islands are American. The recognition of the independent existence of these Islands thus becomes a question of vital importance to American commerce, and particularly to that portion of capital which is invested in the whale fishery. We were gratified to learn that our government had given assurance to the Hawaiian commissioners, recently in this country, of the continuance of our amicable relations, and virtually recognized the established government of the Islands. The words of the Secretary of State were, that "the President is quite willing to declare as the sense of the government of the United States, that the government of the Sandwich Islands ought to be respected: that no power ought either to take possession of the Islands, as a conquest, or for the purpose of colonization, and that no power ought to seek for any undue control over the existing government, or for any exclusive privileges or preferences in matters of commerce.

be respected, and all its rights strictly and conscientiously regarded. And this must also be the true interest of all other commercial States. Far remote from the dominions of European powers, its growth and prosperity, as an independent State, may yet be in a high degree useful to all, whose trade is extended to those regions; while its nearer approa h to this continent, and the intercourse which American vessels have with it-such vessels constituting five-sixths of all which annually visit it-could not but create dissatisfaction on the part of the United States at any attempt, by another power, should such attempt be threatened or feared, to take possession of the Islands, colonize them, and subvert the native government. Considering, therefore, that the United States possess so very large a share of the intercourse with those islands, it is deemed not

unfit to make the declaration, that their government seeks, nevertheless, no peculiar advantages, no exclusive control over the Hawaiian government, but is content with its independent existence, and anxiously wishes for its security and prosperity. Its forbearance, in this respect, under the circumstances of the very large intercourse of their citizens with the Islands, would justify this government, should events hereafter arise to require it, in making a decided remonstrance against the adoption of an opposite policy by any other power."

A brief period will suffice to determine this question—if indeed any appeal remains to the conscience of the British people from the black muzzles of Lord Paulet's guns.

New Bedford, June, 1843.

WHATEVER the book he writes, Mr. Carlyle may well adopt from Schiller for his motto, Ernst ist das Leben; for although he plays many pranks, and cuts many literary capers, which are not much to his credit, life with him is a serious affair, and he writes always with an earnest spirit, for a high, noble, and praiseworthy end. He may often offend our fastidiousness, he may often vex or disappoint us by the vagueness or defectiveness of his views, but we can never read him without having our better feelings quickened, and getting a clearer insight into many things. We have come even to like his style, that is, in him and for him, though by no means in and for others. It is natural, free from all literary primness and affectation, sincere, earnest, forcible,-admirably adapted to all the varieties and shades of thought, and moods of mind of the writer; responding with singular felicity to all the natural undulations of the soul; and, when read aloud, to those of the voice. This is especially true of the History of the French Revolution, -a great work, and almost the only one in our language deserving the name of History, and before which your Robertsons, Humes, Mackintoshes, and brotherhood, shrink to their proper dimensions.

Carlyle is a thorough master of language. We know no writer, ancient or modern, who so clearly apprehends the deep significance of speech; or so fully comprehends the profound philosophy there is in the ordinary terms of everyday life. True is it, in more senses than one, that our only sure way of arriving at psychology is through the medium of words; and not at psychology only, but at philosophy, the everlasting truth and fitness of things. All speech is significant; and if blest with clear insight we may

seize the profoundest and most farreaching truth, by turning over a very familiar word, and looking at it in the light of the primitive fact it was used to designate. One sees this in the half-serious, half-sportive remarks of Plato on the Origin of Names in the Cratylus, and especially in Vico's Tract on the Wisdom of the Ancient Italians, as collected from the Latin language. There is scarcely a page, scarcely a sentence even, in Carlyle, in which he does not throw a new and surprising light on some intricate subject, by a dexterous use of a very familiar word. He lays open the word, and makes you see the fact, the thing, of which it was originally the sign, and of which it is still the sign, if the sign of aught. True, all this is done very quietly, by using a capital initial letter, italicising a syllable, separating a compound word into its original elements, or by giving a Latin equivalent for an Anglo-Saxon term, or an AngloSaxon one for a Latin; and since it is done so quietly, it is no doubt overlooked by the great majority of his readers, who, because they overlook it, call him obscure and unintelligible. "I do not understand you." Sir, I am under no obligation to furnish you ideas and brains also." True, my dear Doctor Johnson, but if we do not furnish our readers brains as well as ideas, how large a proportion of them will catch even a glimpse of our meaning on the most familiar topics we discuss? To perceive another's sense, or sense in another's words, we must have some little sense of our own;a melancholy fact, and which will delay some weeks the complete success of our excellent societies for the Universal Diffusion of Knowledge.

There is no wisdom in sneering at him who truly studies words. Words, even the idlest, are signs, and signs of