the belief, that they are not altogether ignorant of the principles of liberal and rational interpretation, and perhaps not of the methods of a sound philosophy. It is only when they hear reports of themselves from Boston, as the valley of of the shadow of death, over which broods the darkness of Calvinism and the stern rigor of religious dogmatism, that they suspect the sadness of their condition. They are not particularly sensitive however for themselves. They are somewhat so for their respected friends at the east. They would therefore respectfully entreat them, for their good name in Connecticut, that they would not be too hasty in crediting or heralding the reported progress of the liberal faith within her borders, lest perchance it may happen, that some miserable abortion from inflated ignorance, folly, and irreligion, may assume the name of liberal, to shine by its borrowed lus tre-and the saying shall be brought to pass, that what smells rankly at home, becomes a perfume when scented from a distance. We speak with all due submission, but we can not but think it would do them good, to understand more fully the views of the orthodox, and occasionally to read their Bibles from their point of view, to see how it would sound, when read with other views of God and of man.

But whatever liberal Christians may think or say of the other sects, we are free to say of them, that, in their present position, they waken within us thoughts and feelings too many and too strong readily to be expressed. We can not think of them as inheriting and upholding so many of the religious and social institutions founded by their and our honored sires of the Pilgrim stock, without caring for them for the fathers' sake. We honor for its own, a religious communion that embra ces so much that is noble in cultivated intellect; so much that is high and honorable in its noble spirit; so

much that is enlarged and generous in its social feelings. But we can not think, without painful feelings, of the many thoughtful minds within its enclosure, so earnestly engaged on themes so awful and inspiring as those of religious truth, and reaching conclusions so uncertain, so contradictory to each other, and so surprising to us. prising to us. We withhold not the expression of our interest in Mr. Parker and those who sympathize with him in his audacious and fantastic conclusions. Their errors are the errors of noble minds. Their conclusions are the exaggerated or distorted perversions of lofty and important truths. Their aims seem to be in a degree religiously intended. They would elevate man to a high morality, make religion as per petual as his being, and enrich him with high hopes concerning his existence and his destiny.

Nor do we refuse a measure of honor to those of the other extreme in opinion. It is true we reject their entire scheme of religious philosophy, in the warp and woof, as untrue to reason, conscience and fact, with respect to man and God. We are struck dumb at the cool precision and intellectual har dihood with which they march it through the Bible, and make it bend or break to their service. We are astonished that their literary and moral taste can give to its surprising merits no higher and heartier praise,

that its miracles of truth and piety, and its greater miracles of sub. lime conceptions of God and eter. nity, awaken no more glowing en thusiasm, even if its miracles of history and fact must be scanned with so cool and determined a scep ticism. But we give even to these, as reasoners, the praise of caution, acuteness, discrimination and logic.

There is a still larger class than either of these, who have little sym pathy with such extremes of opin ion, and rather dwell apart from all discussion of doctrines as injurious or unprofitable. To these let all

honor be given, for elevated taste, for devotional sensibilities, and gentleness of disposition. We would not rudely assail their cherished convictions, or depreciate their acknowledged virtues. And yet, that their opinions should be so uncertain and shifting, that their tests of religious character should be so doubtfully and cautiously expressed, that such vagueness and impotence should pertain to all their views and doings on a subject which, if any thing, is every thing to man; these facts show clearly that there is something greatly in the wrong. We We acknowledge that they think and speak seriously of the power of an endless life,that the shadows of the unseen world seem to rest upon their spirits with an oppressive and saddening gloom. It seems to us that none have views of eternity and retribution so melancholy as they; and all because they have not the energy to look them in the face, and go with whole-hearted confidence to Him "who hath brought life and immortality to light." By seeming to shun a bold and earnest converse with death, and a stern probing to the bottom of man's wants, they dwell in an obscure and unknown dread. We are not insensible to the warm affection and grateful tenderness with which they think of Jesus, that he is honored with no affected homage, and enshrined in their hearts by the sacredness of holy affections. But it would be weak in us, and unchristian, ever to be satisfied, till they shall see in him all the glory which we behold in him, and their present interest in Christ shall be no more remembered, as it expands and kindles into the rapture and grateful praise which inspire the songs of the redeemed in heaven.

But most of all do we think and speak with freedom of those who have openly expressed their dissat isfaction with the present condition of things, and ask for life and enVol. II.

71

ergy and zeal, in language not to be mistaken, and with an earnestness which is not to be suspected. We wait for the issue of their movement with some solicitude. We believe that they are earnest men. We trust that they are free and liberal thinkers,-so free, that while they will boldly bring out from the Scriptures all which they teach, though it may seem strange and new; so also none will be rejected because it is old and common, if it commends itself to the conscience and wants of man. And inasmuch as we believe that the gospel, as a system of truth and fact, is very clearly revealed, and the practical wants of man are very obvious, we are content to see them candidly and earnestly discuss the Bible and the wants of men, the more earnestly if it be but fairly, the better. We only fear that the truth as truth will not be discussed enough, and its importance in the promotion of life will not be esteemed as it should be. We therefore add, that no zeal awakened because there must be life; no properties or perfection in the manner of worship; no wisdom gathered by piecemeal, as shreds and patches from the other sects; no social devices or reformations; no esprit du corps; no fervent or pungent appeals from lay or clerical lips, can of themselves give life. Nothing but clear, grand, overwhelming views of truth concerning God and eternity, received as real, and with the whole-souled simplicity of a little child, has ever truly wakened the soul of man, or created life 'neath ribs of death. Nothing but energy imparted from the living and holy One, ever induced man so to confer with truth and with God. We may never forget that "Religion is no philosophy of life, but a life or living process," and that this comes not by speculating how it is to come, and trying one experiment after another, but by awaking to the world of truth about and within us.

"TURN all the slaves loose! Devote the South to blood, fire, and servile war!" Such are the exclamations which rise spontaneously to many lips, when they hear of emancipation: such the results, which in their view, must inevitably follow the liberation of the southern bondman. The objection comprised in these exclamations, has great weight, with many benevolent minds, and is sufficient as they suppose to demand the cessation of all attempts, or at least, of the present attempts, at emancipation. We think that a perusal of the interesting work which we have placed at the head of this article, would dissipate all such apprehensions. We might therefore simply commend the work to our readers, and leave the facts therein stated to do their own work of conviction. But as this subject has of late years assumed a new aspect, we intend in accordance with the original design of our work, to discuss this as one of the prominent topics of the day. We shall not however enter upon all the questions, naturally suggested by the work before us-much less, shall we defend all that is said or done for emancipation, but shall merely present some thoughts and facts, which the interesting statements of Mr. Philippo, have recalled to our minds.

Our views however will be misunderstood, unless we define at the outset, precisely what we mean by emancipation. For the objection and alarm which some feel at the bare mention of this topic, are evidently founded on entire misapprehension. The very phrase so familiar to alarmists, "turning the slaves

* Jamaica; its Past and Present State.

By James M. Philippo, of Spanish Town, Jamaica: twenty years a Baptist Missionary in that Island.

loose," indicates both the existence and nature of this mistake.

We mean then by emancipation, 1st, the entire cessation of the right of property in the slave; and 2d, the enactment and administration of impartial law, for the freedman. On each of these points, some additional explanations are needed.

Our definition assumes that the distinctive feature of slavery is "prop. erty in human beings.' We are accustomed it is true, in figurative and popular language, to apply the term slavery, to a great variety of conditions. But while there are gross oppressions in many coun tries; while wrongs and cruelties are possible in all governments,while some, in every community, are deprived of rights, which others enjoy-slavery, as we now under stand and discuss it, is a peculiarly marked and definite thing, distinct from these other conditions of injus tice. Southern law indeed defines slavery, with wonderful force and precision: "Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken and reputed to be chat. tels personal in the hands of their owners, and possessors, their exec. utors, administrators and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and pur poses whatsoever.”* The condi tion herein described, is generally distinct from any other. The right to the services of a child, an appren tice, or a wife, to which slavery has sometimes been insultingly compar ed, is totally different from that de fined with such sagacity and precision in the slave code. Emanci pation, therefore, involves the entire cessation of this right of property.

But emancipation does not stop there. The condition to be substi tuted for slavery, is, subjection to impartial law: to law which gives

* Laws of South Carolina.

him the same rights and facilities for redress which other men have; and which places him under no other restrictions, disabilities, or penalties, than those imposed on other men, of his character, property and education. Do this and emancipa. tion is complete.

But is it safe and wise to do this? The book of Mr. Philippo affords demonstration strong in the affirmative, in the case of Jamaica. But, as even yet, the results of West India emancipation, are by some declared to be doubtful, or if good, yet insufficient to establish the general safety and expediency of emancipation; we propose to come to our conclusion from a somewhat wider induction.

We might indeed argue the safety of emancipation from certain indisputable data. We might say, that as emancipation does not increase the physical force of the freedmen, they have no more power to commit injury, than when held as slaves, therefore, emancipation is as safe as slavery. We might proceed to argue, that as emancipation confers an immense boon, and withdraws an immense wrong, therefore the grounds of hatred are taken away, and motives to kindness increased, and therefore, emancipation is safer, than slavery. But the argument we design to construct at the present time, is different. We intend to rest our conclusion on a somewhat wider induction of historical facts.

Slavery, under various forms, and with various degrees of severity, has existed for ages. Now we wish to show that great and imminent peril has always attended the existence of such servitude; that entire safety, with other good results, have been the consequences of emancipation.

Slavery existed in the Roman empire. In speaking on this subject Gibbon remarks*"they [the slaves] were impatient to break and revenge

* Chapter II.

their fetters. Against such internal enemies, whose desperate insurrec⚫ tions had more than once reduced the republic to the brink of destruction, the most severe regulations," &c. were made.

In Sicily, the lands were distributed into immense plantations and cultivated by slaves, as in our Southern states. Ferguson remarks,t "they were ready upon every favor. able opportunity to take up arms, against their masters, and often shook the state with a storm which was not foreseen till it actually burst." About ten years after the destruction of Carthage, the slaves revolted, "and in four successive campaigns, made prosperous war on the Roman prætors." ." After ruining the island by their devastations, they were at length subdued, and thirty thousand killed. In the year 650, U. C., "a slave in Sicily having murdered his master, invited the slaves of the island to assume their freedom, and acquired sufficient strength to cope with the Roman prætor, and was only defeated after a severe struggle of three years, by the Roman armies." As early as the Carthaginian war, "the number of slaves in Italy, was already be. come so great, as to endanger the state." In the year 680, U. C., the slaves in Rome revolted, and retired to the country around Vesuvius, "and harassed the country with robberies and murders." They repeatedly defeated the armies sent against them, with immense slaugh.

ter.

Crassus raised an immense army, and Pompey was recalled from Spain to oppose them. They were at length subdued, with great loss to the victors. A distinguished German writer has remarked, "of the ruin of ancient Rome, slavery was the chief and most direct cause." Slavery existed in Sparta; yet even in that warlike community, slaves

† Book 2, Chapters I and V. Book 3, Chap. II.

were deemed so dangerous that their numbers were diminished by wholesale butcheries.

In the West Indies, slavery has existed. Their able historian, Martin, in his preface, remarks, "I have carefully studied West India history, and find nothing but wars, usurpations, crime, misery and vice. All is one revolting scene of infamy, bloodshed, and unmitigated woe. Slavery has been the curse of the West Indies."

In the year 1760, a desperate insurrection of the negroes of Jamaica commenced, in which the most horrible cruelties were perpetrated. Ninety white persons and four hundred negroes were killed. In 1649, a formidable insurrection took place at Barbadoes, and a general day was appointed for the massacre of all the white inhabitants. The plot however was discovered. In 1816, there were bloody insurrections in this same island. In 1761, the slaves in Bermuda rebelled, and declared their intention to kill their masters. Nearly thirty insurrections of the slave population of Jamaica, occurred within the period of its possession by the British. That, in 1832, involved the lives of seven hundred persons, an expense of £161,596, together with a destruction of property, amounting to £1,154,583, or in the aggregate, a loss of $6,580,000. In 1729, the slaves in Antigua formed a conspiracy to destroy all the English, which was discovered two or three days before the intended assault. In 1763, the Dutch settlement at Barbadoes, was surrounded and cut off by the negroes. In 1767, there was a rebellion among the slaves in Grenada. In short, several hundreds of slave insurrections are recorded by the historians of the West Indies.

In our southern states slavery has ever been attended with the same perils: In the legislature of Virginia, Mr. Moore said "the slaves will always be disposed to avail

themselves of a favorable opportu nity of asserting their natural rights. It may be safely assumed, that whenever the slaves are as numerous as the whites, it will require one half of the effective force of the whites to keep them quiet." Judge Tucker of Virginia says "Whenever we are involved in war, if our enemies hold out the lure of freedom, they will have in every negro a decided friend." The editor of the Maryville (Tenn.) Intelligencer says "We of the south are sur rounded by a dangerous class of beings. A consciousness that a tenfold force would gather from the four corners of the United States keeps them in subjection. To the non-slaveholding states we are in debted for a permanent safeguard against insurrection." In the convention which formed the constitu tion of Virginia, Mr. Campbell said, "in the year 1813, all the militia east of the Blue Ridge were chiefly employed in patrolling the counties on the seaboard, and generally east of the Ridge, to prevent insurrec tion among your discontented popu lation."

Quotations of a similar nature might be multiplied without limit. These men affirm that whereof they do know. While at the north, or when in controversy with anti-slavery men, they stoutly affirm the safety of their "domestic institu tions," and the contentment of the slaves; but among themselves they speak the truth, and utter the language of fear and painful appre hension. Indeed it is impossible, from the nature of the human mind, that slaves can be a safe and contented population. Habitually con scious, as most of them are, of suf fering constant and gross injustice in the deprivation of their freedom; exposed, as all of them are, to per sonal abuse; and receiving, as the mass of them do, injurious treat ment and capricious punishment; and enduring, as a portion of them